February 2015 - P2P-Foundation - lists.ourproject.org

Fwd: FW: De Michel Cartier
by Michel Bauwens 19 Feb '15

19 Feb '15

---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Michel Cartier (Videotron) <cartier.michel(a)videotron.ca> Date: 2015-02-19 23:45 GMT+07:00 Subject: FW: De Michel Cartier To: Groupe Co Ca2 <cartier.michel(a)videotron.ca> Voici la version finale de : *http://www.21siecle.quebec <http://www.21siecle.quebec>* < http://www.21siecle.quebec> Ce wiki offre une synthèse des travaux de recherche d’une centaine de chercheurs en prospective : *de quoi sera fait le 21e siècle* ? C’est un wiki encyclopédique d’un style nouveau : mi-image et mi-texte. Où s’en va le Québec ? Au nom de l’équipe Michel Cartier Février 2015 Comme personne ne lit plus, voir quelques conclusions en appendice. ------ Fin du message transféré -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

1 0

Re: [P2P-F] [Commoning] What happened in the Eurogroup 16 February -
by Orsan 19 Feb '15

19 Feb '15

Great, thanks Pat, looking into them and will be giving feedback as soon as I can! best, Orsan > On 19 feb. 2015, at 00:54, Pat Conaty <pat.commonfutures(a)phonecoop.coop> wrote: > > Hi Orsan > > Thanks for these comments. > > As to your last question, I have done a three part series of short articles on co-operative land reform and co-operative money reform which looks at Polanyi’s plea to take both land and money out of the market and how this has happened historically and periodically every 40 to 50 years since wage labour was created through enclosure - the primitive accumulation of capital. > > So I argue we should go Back to the Future because the hallowed truths of a culture of resistance comes back round again with the vicious Kondratiev curve of Depression. > > Michel and Stacco have posted this series on the Commons Transition website. Here is the link to the first of the three articles on reviving the vernacular concept of co-operative commonwealth or what I call Co-operation in 4 full dimensions. > > http://commonstransition.org/co-operative-commonwealth-de-commodifying-land… > > Feedback welcome as John, Michel and I are working on a set of courses on the Co-operative Commons. Be good to talk to you, Brian and Networked Labour about this. > > All the best > > Pat > > >> On 18 Feb 2015, at 12:34, Orsan <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> wrote: >> >> Yes a good review by Kevin Carson in the USA. Some additional info that could be helpful to some……..thinking about the practicalities of the Great Transition to a commons based new economy. >> >> Thanks a lot Pat, that is very helpful indeed. >> >>> Mike Lewis and I did a range of short fully illustrated articles to serialise parts of our book, The Resilience Imperative. I attach a few of these to give a flavour to folks on these lists about a number of co-operative economic democracy solutions. Crucial to all is what Polanyi argued, namely the need to reverse enclosure by taking people, earth and money out of the market as these are false commodities. >> >> the idea of translating Polanyi's vision and understanding double movement really important for the win, I believe. In the sense of, hacking the material needs becoming dividing lines between individuals, governed classes, and societies, and exploited by the ruling classes. It will sound stupid or naive, but in a was while allowing a mesh networked solidarity at the grassroots. Like house owning pauperized and disspossed low waged workers can support each other both in action and policy wise, at the bottom; groups who might needs higher basic income and lower taxes for instance can get support from home owners losing their homes like in Spain and in return actions like Pah's can be linked to actions for BI. The visual material you sent gives insights for designing actions in this direction. >> >>> As Kevin points out we do in the book a calculation of what would be the impact on an average household with a couple of kids in North America if a Community Land Trust home, a JAK interest free mortgage fee based mortgage, green energy solutions and local food sourcing were all provided. Here is the calculation over 25 years on a slide further below. You see this is the size of a good pension pot. >> >> and this is obviously some thing can be linked to green and ecologic justice movements. Could you imagine how all these be integrated with a monetary system Varoufakis was imagining in Michels' last email? thinking and working on these ideas openly this way we may be helpful for both John, in sketching a semi-wiki-action plan, and then these exchanges can become itself part of 'rapid solidarity force' for the emancipation, if we say by not using militaristic terms. >> >> best, Orsan >> >> >>> <CCCR - i42011NOV11_CLTs and Affordability.pdf> >>> <CCCR - i42012MAR05_Kristianstad.pdf> >>> <CCCR - JAK Bank article.pdf> >>> <CCCR - i42011DEC15_MHOS.pdf> >>> <CCCR - i42011NOV30_CLB.pdf> >>> >>> <RI - Hardwicks Pg329.pdf> >>> >>> >>> >>>> On 17 Feb 2015, at 11:09, Örsan Şenalp <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> wrote: >>>> >>>> Guessing I.M. is someone in the Greek delegation from Syriza government? What would really be interesting is to hear whether they had any vision or plan for this moment expected to come, since this was obvious possibility. Since the email sounds like requesting for public support campaign to grow underground. This is partly similar to that we have been trying to think of, on these exchanges, like an emergency deployment force, commons action plan, so on.. the situation now shows that is rather an expressed need by the greek gov? It would be great to know if there is any preparation from syriza's side, for instance if they would support, or encourage, such a commons conference for instance for radical alternatives? Would it be an interest of them? Could anyone who received the above email in the first place, or close to Syriza inform us on that? >>>> >>>> >>>> Ps: Cant access the original book, but from Kevin's below review of Pat and Mike's book, I got the idea that there is another transition perspective in the book: >>>> >>>> "Michael Lewis and Pat Conaty. The Resilience Imperative: Cooperative Transitions to a Steady-State Economy (New Society Publishers, 2012) 400pp. >>>> >>>> This book starts with a macroscopic analysis of where the existing corporate capitalist economy goes wrong — the pathological effects of debt-based currency, a GDP that counts waste as “growth,” etc. — and proceeds to outline a detailed blueprint for a resilient alternative. This latter blueprint, in a series of detailed chapters, examines the authors’ proposals for a sustainable successor society. >>>> >>>> Most of the proposals are things readers in the green, decentralist and alternative economics communities are probably familiar with: basic guaranteed incomes, barter currencies, taxation of land value and extraction, community land trusts, employee ownership and self-management as the standard business model, etc. Each of them, by itself, involves the kind of fundamental structural change you could spend days imagining the effects of. Taken together, their cumulative effect is the a model of society that makes a “petty bourgeois socialist” like me salivate, and would make P.J. Proudhon and Henry George jump up out of their graves and shout “Hallelujah.” >>>> >>>> >>>> In the course of each chapter, the authors examine the pathological effects of a particular structural privilege or monopoly — and in particular, it’s contribution to the cost of living. At the end of the chapter, they present the savings from the average family’s expenditures that would result from their proposed reform, along with a running total of the cumulative savings from previous proposals in the book. By the end of the book, that amounts to a huge portion of average household expenditures. >>>> >>>> I have a few quibbles; I’m an anarchist, after all. Although the guaranteed basic income coupled with Pigouvian taxation would be a vast improvement on the present system, my preference is for >>>> >>>> 1) letting the full deflationary effect of technological progress and the abolition of monopoly run their course (with a much bigger likely reduction in GDP and prices than even Lewis and Conaty envision); >>>> >>>> 2) distribute the hours of necessary labor as widely as possible through a drastically reduced work week; and >>>> >>>> 3) support the elderly and incapacitated, and those whose productive activity is difficult to monetize, through cost- and risk-pooling mechanisms like communal primary social units (cohousing projects, extended family compounds, urban communes, intentional communities, squatter communities, and the like). >>>> >>>> Second — a quite minor quibble — I’m skeptical about the authors’ claim that an end to the subsidized corporate food system would significantly raise household food costs. For one thing, I think a lot of food production would be shifted out of the cash nexus altogether, and into the informal and household economy. And even if it takes more labor to grow a tomato in a raised bed than on a mechanized plantation, I still think the total labor involved in growing it via soil-intensive cultivation at the actual site of consumption is probably less than that required to earn the money to pay the price of agribusiness produce (including all the embedded costs of long-distance distribution, high-pressure marketing, batch and queue processing, etc.). Ralph Borsodi’s analysis of the economics of home production is still valid, eighty years later. >>>> >>>> Third — much more important in my opinion — is their treatment of the idea of “free markets.” For example, here’s their take on the neoliberal policies of recent decades: “When government got out of the way and the free market was unleashed, once again the rich got richer and the poor got poorer.” >>>> >>>> No. Neoliberalism involved simply weakening some secondary restrictions on the state’s primary grants of privilege to big business and the plutocracy. These primary grants of privilege — the most fundamental structural feature of our economy — were left in place and strengthened. Without all the government-enforced or -provided subsidies, regulatory cartels, artificial property rights and artificial scarcities that now exist — subsidies to extractive industries, the state-enforced banking monopoly, absentee titles to vacant and unimproved land, and “intellectual property” [sic] among them — Fortune 500 corporations and the entire billionaire class would melt like garden slugs with salt on their backs. >>>> >>>> One thing I especially appreciate is they grok the concept of resilience in its essence, not just some accidental features of it. Their seven principles of resilience on pp. 19-20 include things like redundancy, modularity, and tight feedback loops that should be familiar to readers of John Robb or John Boyd. >>>> >>>> If you’re the kind of person who’s review in the first place, it’s a safe bet this is the kind of book you’d enjoy. I know I did." >>>> >>>> best, Orsan >>>> >>>> >>>> >>>> >>>> >>>> >>>>> On 17 February 2015 at 09:55, mp <mp(a)aktivix.org> wrote: >>>>> >>>>> >>>>> On 17/02/15 01:24, Michel Bauwens wrote: >>>>> > Ioannis requests to forward this message: >>>>> >>>>> !!And requests that you delete email >>>>> addresses!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! >>>>> >>>>> > In case you forward this, please erase previous e-mail addresses for >>>>> > privacy reasons. >>>>> _______________________________________________ >>>>> Commoning mailing list >>>>> Commoning(a)lists.wissensallmende.de >>>>> http://lists.wissensallmende.de/mailman/listinfo/commoning >

1 0

Fwd: [NetworkedLabour] Fwd: [fse-esf] #18M Blockupy Call for March 18: Our time to act has come
by Michel Bauwens 18 Feb '15

18 Feb '15

---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Orsan <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> Date: Wed, Feb 18, 2015 at 8:39 PM Subject: [NetworkedLabour] Fwd: [fse-esf] #18M Blockupy Call for March 18: Our time to act has come To: "<networkedlabour(a)lists.contrast.org>" < networkedlabour(a)lists.contrast.org> ### please spread widely ### inform your networks ### stay tuned via Twitter: @blockupy / #18M and facebook.com/blockupy.europe see http://blockupy.org/en/ for more info and for downloads of the call/flyer <mime-attachment.jpg> *Our time to act has come!* *Transnational actions against the European Central Bank’s opening: March 18th 2015 in Frankfurt* 2015 began with something unheard of. The people in Greece stood up against all threats from Europe and elected a new left government. This, after 5 years of ruining the country of Greece, where the people lived in constant struggle against the humanitarian crisis and social destruction. A government was elected to stand up to the European institutions, rather than to accept more austerity measures imposed on its people. We support the decision by the Greek people to reject the neoliberal doctrine of "no alternative." We feel empowered and see the possibility of another future. Especially since this is connected to other important ongoing popular movements, like in Spain. Just recently in the streets of Madrid hundred thousands of people said out loud: *We can and we will win again!* Next, the people in Greece and all over Europe filled the squares on February 11th, the day the Eurogroup started renegotiating the Greek debt. A transnational wave of solidarity actions was unleashed. This feeling of empowerment gives hope to millions of people in Europe and encourages the resistance against the crisis regime. Solidarity with the people in Greece and their democratic decisions is not only an obligation for us, but it is also in our common interest: the interest of all of us who all over Europe struggle against the logics of austerity and fight to improve their working and living conditions. *This is why we say: Our time to act has come! This is why we call everybody from all over Europe to join the transnational actions against the ECB**’**s opening on March 18th in Frankfurt! * It is true, the European crisis regime has changed over time – EU emergency meetings seem to have stopped, countries are leaving the Euro rescue fund. However, seeing the pressure put on Greece right now we have to realize that this does not mean the EU and ECB’s crisis policies are over. Blackmailing has not stopped – to the contrary. Whenever the European institutions are threatened, they react, they blackmail and don’t hesitate to bring back harsh austerity measures. Simultaneously we are facing something which almost feels normal now: a terrible new normality of precarity and poverty has become a reality through neoliberal policies that have been implemented during the crisis. These policies are safely embedded in state institutions and were never meant to be temporary. Austerity policies promote authoritarian governance, the further dismantling of democratic participation, the attack on working conditions, taking advantage of the hierarchies built on the borders regime. They are linked to the militarization of state and foreign policy, to growing racism and rightwing extremism. These last years with the infamous Troika and neoliberal governance have paved a way for a new phase in Europe: a precarious model of very limited social rights, a model of control and competition that we refuse to get used to! And we hear them now, the elites and governments crying out loud - with Germany in the forefront – against the demands of the people in Greece to stop and reverse privatization, demands for social rights and for taxing the rich, for not paying the debt and interest they did not cause. They fear the domino effect going through Europe; they are afraid that their “ program” of competitiveness and neoliberal control enforced as the European model is going to crumble now. One of the central agents of the blackmail and the normalization of austerity, of the stick and carrot, is the ECB. A crucial part of the infamous Troika (EU Commission, ECB and IMF), who along with the EU Council, promoted austerity and privatization, resulting in impoverishment and precarity of large parts of the populations in Europe. By demanding to not accept Greek bonds as collateral for central bank loans, the ECB enforces the continuation of austerity policy directly and is clearly taking side with the German government. Blockupy therefore affirms its call for broad transnational actions against the ECB when it inaugurates its new headquarter in Frankfurt on March 18th. A tower 185 meters tall, resembling a fortress with its security fence and moat, a symbol of power costing a staggering 1,3 billion Euros. Our call for strong, broad, and lively European protests months ago has already left marks: the ECB announced that they are downsizing their grand gala into a coffee party. But we never cared about the numbers of guests. Our protest is the radical critique of its work – the planning, enforcement, the normalization of austerity measures. We know that Frankfurt is the right place to be for all of us – the precarious, migrant and industry workers, socially active, emancipatory forces. Of course we know not even left governments can solve all the problems. The real dynamic starts on the streets and in the squares, the assemblies and associations, inside and outside the workplaces as a social dynamic. More than just demonstrating our solidarity with the people in Greece and their democratic decision, we will make clear that this is not a conflict of interest between the people in Europe. It is our struggle for all the people of Europe! The struggles in Greece and elsewhere have opened this path for all of us. *If not now, then when!? Louder and stronger than ever, we call for transnational actions on March 18th at the ECB in Frankfurt! March 18th is the right moment for all of us to be in Frankfurt*. Now is the time to intensify all our efforts and to reach out to everybody to join the struggle. Now is the time to be the site for transnational struggle in and against the belly of the beast. Now is the right moment to hold the ECB accountable for its policies and to powerfully demand a different political direction. March 18th is our crucial chance as well as our responsibility to build a common, effective force from below – if they want capitalism without democracy, we say, we want democracy without capitalism. On March 18 we will take the streets and the squares of Frankfurt, around the new ECB building and in the inner city with thousands of people from all over Europe. We will do that in the early morning around the ECB with actions of civil disobedience to stop the ECB from celebrating themselves and disrupt their normal work day. Everyone should and is welcome to join – they are activities designed for mass participation with a common consensus. We will then convene in a strong, diverse, lively rally and manifestation in the afternoon. *Join us in action! Join us for the blockades of the ECB at 7 am; at the rally at 2 pm and the demonstration through the inner city of Frankfurt at 5 pm* First we took Athens, now Frankfurt! For more info go visit our website at http://blockupy.org/en/; the closer we get to March 18th, the more detailed info you will find – about the activities, bus coordination and accommodation, the program of the rally and the march and much more. If you have any questions tell us at international(a)blockupy-frankfurt.org or stay tuned via Twitter: @blockupy / #18M and facebook.com/blockupy.europe *Who we are:* Blockupy is part of a European wide network of various social movement activists, altermondialists, migrants, jobless, precarious and industry workers, party members and unionists and many more from many different European countries from Italy, Spain, Greece, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, France, Germany and other countries. Together we want to connect our struggles and powers beyond nation-state lines. Together we want to create a common European movement, united in diversity, which can break the rule of austerity and will start to build democracy and solidarity from below. Blockupy and the actions in Frankfurt are only one step along this path. As a transnational movement we oppose explicitly each and every attempt for racist, nationalist or antisemitic divisions as well as conspiracy theories to interpret the world. ----------------------------------------------------------------- Corinna Genschel Mitarbeiterin Neue Soziale Bewegung Kontaktstelle Fraktion DIE LINKE. im Bundestag Platz der Republik 1, 11011 Berlin Telefon +4930/227-52097 Telefax +4930/227-56183 Mobil +49176/62890775 corinna.genschel(a)linksfraktion.de www.linksfraktion.de ----------------------------------------------------------------- *Links wirkt: Sozial. Gerecht. Friedlich.* ----------------------------------------------------------------- Abonnieren Sie jetzt: www.linksfraktion.de/newsletter ----------------------------------------------------------------- _______________________________________________ FSE-ESF mailing list FSE-ESF(a)lists.fse-esf.org http://lists.fse-esf.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/fse-esf _______________________________________________ NetworkedLabour mailing list NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

1 0

Fwd: [commoning] FLOSS4P2P: distributed FLOSS for Commons-based communities (London, March)
by Michel Bauwens 18 Feb '15

18 Feb '15

---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Samer <samer(a)fdi.ucm.es> Date: Wed, Feb 18, 2015 at 2:12 AM Subject: [commoning] FLOSS4P2P: distributed FLOSS for Commons-based communities (London, March) To: commoning(a)lists.commons-institut.org *FLOSS4P2P: Call for Participation* A 2-day London workshop in March, gathering *FLOSS projects* that are building software for *peer production and organization*, with a focus on *distributed* platforms. *Scholarships* to attend are offered to grassroots communities. ** Context ** We know that the Internet was originally decentralized, with protocols and services built by hackers. However, with the arrival of the celebrated Web 2.0, centralization and corporations proprietary platforms seem to have taken over. Moreover, this centralized structure is used by governments to increase surveillance (following Snowden’s revelations), to blackout internet whenever it is needed (e.g. Egypt, Syria, or San Francisco’s BART) or to choke annoying activist organizations (such as Wikileaks). On the other hand, in the last few years we have seen the emergence of Internet-enabled collaborative communities building shared libre/open resources. Commons-based Peer to Peer Production (CBPP) is rapidly growing: not just for software and encyclopedias, but also for information (OpenStreetMap, Wikihow), hardware (FabLabs, Open Source Ecology), accommodation (Couchsurfing) and currency (Bitcoin, Altcoins). In the last few years, it has become clear to many that it is not enough to develop free/libre/open source (FLOSS) alternatives, but we also need to re-decentralize the Internet. Many initiatives are being undertaken under this premise (e.g. Ethereum, Diaspora, OwnCloud, MediaGoblin, Sandstorm). These new software tools may also be useful to boost CBPP communities further. In this workshop, we will gather those working around the decentralized FLOSS that could help CBPP/P2P communities. Hackers, academics, activists and interested stakeholders are welcome. **When** March 16-17th 2015 **Where** Fab Lab London http://fablablondon.org **Call for Proposals** We welcome proposals for: - Lightning talks (2m-5m): summarise your idea & receive feedback - Show & Tell presentations (20m): explain your project/tech/research - Tutorials on software tools (1h) Please email: lu.yang(a)surrey.ac.uk with your idea/proposals. The workshop will have both presentations and unconference-style participatory dynamics for finding points of collaboration and extraction of conclusions. ** Topics ** - Focus on FLOSS software with some of the following features: - Social: communication - e.g. social-networking, microblogging, reworked email - Social: collaboration - e.g. wikis, pads, wave, shared file hosting, multimedia repositories - Alternative to proprietary choices - Federated / Distributed / Interoperable - Open Standards - Secure / Encrypted - Encouraging Peer Production communities - Encouraging the construction/maintenance of Commons - Potential cases for discussion: - Diaspora (federated social network) - Wave (federated real-time collaboration) - Lorea (federated social network) - DarkWallet (distributed wallet & social network) - Ethereum (P2P infrastructure) - MaidSafe (P2P infrastructure) - Sandstorm.io (facilitates federated sw) - Mailpile (encripted email) - MediaGoblin (federated multimedia repository) - OwnCloud (file hosting) - … (your case) **Scholarships** There are a few scholarships for potential participants who wish to attend the event. The scholarship will cover participant’s travel and subsistence cost, up to €400. If you are interested in applying for the scholarship, please email: lu.yang(a)surrey.ac.uk before 28 February 2015, with a paragraph stating why you think your FLOSS is relevant, plus a short bio. Priority will be given to those with low resources, innovative FLOSS within the topics of the call, and being a grassroot community. ** More ** More info will be posted online in: http://p2pvalue.eu/2nd-floss4p2p-workshop Email queries to: lu.yang(a)surrey.ac.uk _______________________________________________ Commoning mailing list Commons-Institut e.V. Germany Commoning(a)lists.commons-institut.org https://lists.schokokeks.org/mailman/listinfo.cgi/commoning -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

1 0

Fwd: [NetworkedLabour] Fwd: Podemos’ Pablo Iglesias & Amy Goodman - Left Forum Co-Organized Event, This Tuesday
by Michel Bauwens 18 Feb '15

18 Feb '15

---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Orsan <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> Date: Wed, Feb 18, 2015 at 8:56 PM Subject: [NetworkedLabour] Fwd: Podemos’ Pablo Iglesias & Amy Goodman - Left Forum Co-Organized Event, This Tuesday To: "<networkedlabour(a)lists.contrast.org>" < networkedlabour(a)lists.contrast.org> Begin forwarded message: *From:* "Left Forum" <leftforum(a)leftforum.org> *Date:* 16 februari 2015 14:08:16 CET *To:* Orsan Senalp <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> *Subject:* *Podemos’ Pablo Iglesias & Amy Goodman - Left Forum Co-Organized Event, This Tuesday* *Reply-To:* "Left Forum" <leftforum(a)leftforum.org> *Pablo Iglesias of PODEMOS, introduced by Amy Goodman (Democracy Now)* *Hope is Changing Sides: Understanding Spain’s Political Change* *Proshansky Auditorium,* *CUNY Graduate Center* *365 5th Avenue* *Tuesday, February 17th, 1-3pm.* Within just one year of its existence, PODEMOS has shaken politics in Spain. Started in January 2014, as a “citizens tool”, as a “method to turn indignation into political change,” and to challenge the existing Spanish political system, PODEMOS has become an unprecedented political phenomenon. In just four months, PODEMOS grew spectacularly, achieving 1.2 million votes in the May 25 European Elections, and gaining five seats in the European Parliament. "Since then, PODEMOS has continued to increase its presence and gain further support. Opinion polls anticipating the upcoming November elections, indicate PODEMOS would be the second most voted for political option. On January 31st, a 'March for Change' organized by PODEMOS gathered hundreds of thousands in Madrid." Its success can certainly be explained by the dire economic and social situation the Spanish people have been experiencing since 2008: austerity measures in healthcare and education, a housing crisis, and an unemployment rate that has risen to 25%. But other factors contribute to the explanation of PODEMOS’ growth, such as its innovative use of political language and media visibility and its ability to relate to the preexisting horizon of social and economic discontent and desire for political change opened by the 15M movement in May 2011, and successive waves of citizen mobilization. Why and how did PODEMOS emerge? From where has it come? What are the reasons for their spectacular growth? What are their methods and their political alignments? What is PODEMOS’ relation to Spain’s social movements? How does PODEMOS relate to existing political forces? What are the main proposals of their political program? Introduced by Amy Goodman (Democracy Now), PODEMOS’ General Secretary Pablo Iglesias will address a NYC audience in a special opportunity to understand the political, social and economic context of PODEMOS’ emergence as a rising political force, and a unique political phenomenon. *THIS EVENT IS FREE AND OPEN TO THE PUBLIC *Seating is available on a first come, first served basis* *ORGANIZED BY* Left Forum <http://www.leftforum.org/sites/all/modules/civicrm/extern/url.php?u=127383&…> Center for Place, Culture and Politics (Graduate Center, CUNY) <http://www.leftforum.org/sites/all/modules/civicrm/extern/url.php?u=127384&…> *SPONSORED BY* Advanced Research Collaborative (Graduate Center, CUNY) <http://www.leftforum.org/sites/all/modules/civicrm/extern/url.php?u=127385&…> Left East <http://www.leftforum.org/sites/all/modules/civicrm/extern/url.php?u=127386&…> Urban Democracy Lab (NYU) <http://www.leftforum.org/sites/all/modules/civicrm/extern/url.php?u=127387&…> Verso Books <http://www.leftforum.org/sites/all/modules/civicrm/extern/url.php?u=127388&…> Situations <http://www.leftforum.org/sites/all/modules/civicrm/extern/url.php?u=127389&…> 365 Fifth Avenue CUNY Graduate Center, c/o Sociology Dept. New York, NY 10016 United States Click here <http://www.leftforum.org/civicrm/mailing/optout?reset=1&jid=1127&qid=952290…> to opt out of future Left Forum emails. Click here <http://www.leftforum.org/civicrm/mailing/unsubscribe?reset=1&jid=1127&qid=9…> to opt out of this list only. _______________________________________________ NetworkedLabour mailing list NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

1 0

Fwd: [NetworkedLabour] From Chiapas to Rojava: seas divide us, autonomy binds us via ROARmag
by Michel Bauwens 18 Feb '15

18 Feb '15

---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Örsan Şenalp <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> Date: Wed, Feb 18, 2015 at 9:27 PM Subject: [NetworkedLabour] From Chiapas to Rojava: seas divide us, autonomy binds us via ROARmag To: "networkedlabour(a)lists.contrast.org" <networkedlabour(a)lists.contrast.org > – http://roarmag.org/2015/02/chiapas-rojava-zapatista-kurds/ Despite being continents apart, the struggles of the Kurds and Zapatistas share a similar purpose: to resist capitalism, liberate women and build autonomy. – Image: Tierra y Libertad by Matt Verges (can be ordered as a poster here). Power to the people can only be put into practice when the power exercised by social elites is dissolved into the people. ― Murray Bookchin, Post-Scarcity Anarchism Only six months ago very few people had ever heard of Kobani. But when ISIS launched its futile attack on the town in September 2014, the little Kurdish stronghold quickly became a major focal point in the struggle against the religious extremists. In the months that followed, Kobani was transformed into an international symbol of resistance, compared to both Barcelona and Stalingrad for its role as a bulwark against fascism. The brave resistance of the People’s and Women’s Defense Units (YPG and YPJ) was praised by a broad spectrum of groups and individuals — from anarchists, leftists and liberals to right-wing conservatives — who expressed sympathy and admiration for the men and women of Kobani in their historical battle against the forces of ISIS. As a result, the mainstream media was soon forced to break its silence on the plight of the Kurds of Northern Syria, who had declared their autonomy in the summer of 2012. Numerous articles and news stories depicted the “toughness” and determination of the Kurdish fighters, often with a dose of romanticization. Nonetheless, the media attention was often selective and partial. The very essence of the political project in Rojava (Western Kurdistan) went unreported and Western journalists generally preferred to present the resistance in Kobani as an inexplicable exception to the supposed barbarism of the Middle East. Unsurprisingly, the victorious flag of the YPG/YPJ brandishing the iconic red star was not a pleasing image to the eyes of the Western powers. The autonomous cantons of Rojava represent a homegrown solution to the conflicts in the Middle East, focusing on gender equality, environmental sustainability and horizontal democratic processes including all different ethnic and social groups, while simultaneously resisting the terror from ISIS and rejecting both liberal democracy and capitalist modernity. Although many in the West preferred to stay silent on the issue, the Kurdish activist and academic Dilar Dirik has rightly claimed that the ideological foundations of the Kurdish movement for democratic autonomy are key to understanding the spirit that has inspired the Kobani resistance. Enough is enough! As the battle for every street and corner of the city intensified, Kobani managed to capture the imagination of the global left — and of left-libertarian groups in particular — as a symbol of resistance. It was not without reason that the Turkish Marxist-Leninist group MLKP, which joined the YPG/YPJ on the battlefield, raised the flag of the Spanish Republic over the ruins of the city on the day of its liberation while calling for the formation of International Brigades, following the example of the Spanish Revolution. It was not necessarily the battle for Kobani itself, but the libertarian essence of the cantons of Rojava, the implementation of direct democracy at the grassroots, and the participation of women in the autonomous government that gave grounds to such historical comparisons. But Rojava was not just compared to revolutionary Catalonia. Another striking comparison — with the struggle of the Zapatistas for autonomy in the south of Mexico — might in fact be key to understanding the paradigm of the revolution in Kurdistan and what it means for those who believe that another world is possible. Ever since it first appeared on the scene in the early 1990s, the Zapatista movement has probably been one of the most symbolic and most influential elements of the revolutionary imagination worldwide. In the morning of January 1, 1994, an unknown guerrilla force composed of indigenous Mayas took over the main towns of Chiapas, Mexico’s poorest state. The military operation was carried out with strategic brilliance and combined with an innovative use of the internet it resonated around the globe, inspiring international solidarity and the emergence of the Global Justice Movement. The Zapatistas rebelled against neoliberalism and the social and cultural genocide of the indigenous population of Mexico. Ya Basta!, or ‘Enough is Enough!’, was the battle cry of the rebellion which was the “product of 500 years of oppression,” as the First Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle stated. The Zapatistas rose up in arms right as global capital was celebrating the presumed end of history, and the idea of social revolution seemed to be a romantic anachronism that belonged to the past. The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) was soon forced out of the cities after intense battles with the federal army that lasted for twelve days. However, it turned out that the deep horizontal organization of the indigenous communities could not be eradicated by any state terror or military campaigns. The masked spokesperson of the rebel army, Subcomandante Marcos, challenged the notion of the historical vanguard and opposed to it the idea of “revolution from below,” a form of social struggle that does not aim to take over state power but rather seeks to abolish it. This conceptualization of autonomy and direct democracy then became central to many of the mass anti-capitalist movements we have seen since — from the protests at Seattle and Genoa to the occupations of Syntagma, Puerta del Sol and Zuccotti Park. A shared historical trajectory The roots of the struggle for democratic autonomy in Rojava can be found in the history of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), the organization that has been central to the Kurdish liberation movement ever since its creation in 1978. The PKK was established as a Marxist-Leninist guerrilla group in Northern Kurdistan (Southeastern Turkey) combining a form of Kurdish nationalism with the struggle for social emancipation. Under the leadership of Abdullah Öcalan it grew into a substantial guerrilla force that managed to withstand the attacks of NATO’s second biggest army in a conflict that claimed the lives of more than 40.000 people over the course of thirty years. The Turkish state displaced hundreds of thousands and reportedly used torture, assassination and rape against the civilian population. Yet it did not manage to break the Kurdish resistance. Since its inception, the PKK has expanded its influence both in Turkey and in the other parts of Kurdistan. The leading political force in the Rojava revolution — the Democratic Union Party (PYD) — was founded as the PKK’s sister organization in Syria after the former had been banned in the late 1990s. Currently, the two organizations are connected through the Kurdistan Communities’ Union (KCK), the umbrella organization that encompasses various revolutionary and political groups sharing the ideas of the PKK. The ideology uniting the different civil and revolutionary groups in the KCK is called democratic confederalism and is based on the ideas of the US anarchist Murray Bookchin, who argued in favor of a non-hierarchical society based on social ecology, libertarian municipalism and direct democracy. After Öcalan was captured by the Turkish state in 1999 and sentenced to life imprisonment, he rejected the PKK’s Marxist-Leninist past. Instead, he turned towards Bookchin, leading to a conviction that local and regional autonomy for Kurdish communities is in fact the most viable solution. Although the Zapatistas are famous for their autonomous self-governance and rejection of the notion of a historical vanguard, the roots of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation were similarly Marxist-Leninist in nature. Just like the PKK, the Zapatistas’ ideas of self-governance and revolution from below were a product of a long historical evolution. The EZLN was founded in 1983 by a group of urban guerrillas who decided to start a revolutionary cell among the indigenous population in Chiapas, organize a military force and eventually take state power through guerrilla warfare. Soon they realized that their vanguardist ideological dogma was not applicable to the cultural realities of the local communities, and they started learning from the indigenous peoples’ traditions of communal governance. Thus Zapatismo was born as a fusion between Western Marxism and the experience and knowledge of the native American population that has been resisting the colonial Spanish state and the federal Mexican state for five centuries. This shared ideological trajectory of the two guerrilla organizations demonstrates a historical turn in contemporary understandings of the revolutionary process. The Zapatista uprising and the construction of autonomy in Chiapas marked a break with the traditional strategy of foquismo, inspired predominantly by the Cuban Revolution. The rejection of vanguardism was made very clear in a letter Subcomandante Marcos wrote to the Basque liberation movement ETA, wherein he clearly stated: “I shit on all revolutionary vanguards on this planet.” In Chiapas, it is not the vanguard that leads the people — it is up to the people themselves to build the revolution from below and sustain it as such. Now this is the logic the PKK has been shifting towards in the last decade under the influence of Murray Bookchin, demonstrating its transformation from a movement for the people into a movement of the people. Cantons and Caracoles Probably the most important similarity between the revolutions in Rojava and Chiapas is the social and political re-organization that is taking place in both regions on the basis of the libertarian socialist worldview of the PKK and EZLN. The Zapatistas’ struggle for autonomy originated from the failure of the peace negotiations with the Mexican government after the uprising in 1994. During the peace negotiations the rebels demanded that the government adhere to the San Andres accords, which gave the indigenous people the right to greater self-determination over education, justice and political organization based on their traditions as well as communal control over land and local resources. These accords were never implemented by the government and in 2001 President Fox backed an edited version that was passed by Congress but that did not meet the demands of the Zapatistas and the other groups of the indigenous resistance. Two years later, the EZLN created five rebel zones, or Caracoles (“snails” in English), that now serve as administrative centers. The name Caracoles represented the particular revolutionary temporality of the Zapatistas: “We are doing it ourselves, we learn in the process and we advance. Slowly, but we advance.” The Caracoles include three levels of autonomous government: the community, the municipality and the Council of Good Government. The first two are based on grassroots assemblies; the Councils of Good Government are elected but with the intention to get as many people as possible to participate in the councils over the years through a principle of rotation. The Caracoles have their own education, healthcare and justice systems, as well as cooperatives producing coffee, creating handicrafts and rearing cattle, among other things. In some way, the cantons in Rojava resemble the Caracoles. They were proclaimed by the Movement for a Democratic Society (TEV-DEM) in 2014 and function through the newly established popular assemblies and People’s Councils. Women participate equally in decision-making processes and are represented in all elected positions, which are always shared by a man and a woman. All ethnic groups are represented in the different councils and its institutions. Healthcare and education are also guaranteed by the system of democratic confederalism. Recently the first Rojavan university, the Mesopotamian Social Sciences Academy, opened its doors with plans to challenge the hierarchical structure of education and to provide a different approach to learning. Just as is the case with the Zapatistas, the revolution in Rojava envisions itself as a possible solution to the problems of the whole country and the region as a whole. It is not just an expression of separatist tendencies. As a delegation of academics from Europe and North America that visited Rojava recently claimed, this genuinely democratic system points to a different future for the Middle East — a future based on popular participation, the liberation of women and a just peace between different ethnic groups. A women’s revolution Gender has always been central to the Zapatista revolution. Before the dissemination of autonomous forms of organization and the adoption of women’s liberation as central to the struggle, the position of women was marked by exploitation, marginalization, forced marriage, physical violence and discrimination. This is why Subcomandante Marcos claims that the uprising started not in 1994 but already one year before, with the adoption of the Women’s Revolutionary Law in 1993. This law set the framework for gender equality and justice, guaranteeing the rights to personal autonomy, emancipation and dignity of the women in rebel territory. Today women participate at all levels of government and run their own cooperatives and economic structures to guarantee their economic independence. Women still form a large part of the ranks of the Zapatista guerrilla force and take high positions in its military command. The takeover of San Cristobal de las Casas, the most important city the EZLN captured in the 1994 uprising, was headed by Comandante Ramona, who was also the first Zapatista to be sent to Mexico City to represent the movement in negotiations with the government. The mass involvement of indigenous women in the political project of the Zapatistas is easily compared to the participation of women in the defense of Kobani and in the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) more generally. The bravery and determination of Kurdish women in the war against ISIS is a product of a long tradition of women’s participation in the armed struggle for social liberation in Kurdistan. Women play an important role in the PKK and gender liberation has long taken central place in the Kurdish struggle. The Rojava revolution has strongly emphasized women’s liberation as indispensable for the liberation of society as a whole. The theoretical framework that puts the dismantling of patriarchy at the center of the struggle is referred to as “jineology” (jîn meaning woman in Kurdish). The application of this concept has resulted in an unprecedented empowerment of women — a remarkable achievement not just in the context of the Middle East but also in comparison to Western liberal feminism. The women’s assemblies, cooperative structures and women’s militias are the beating heart of the Rojava revolution, which is considered incomplete as long as it does not destroy the patriarchal structures at the basis of capitalist society. As Janet Biehl wrote after her recent visit to Rojava, in the Rojava revolution women fulfill the role that the (male) proletariat fulfilled in the revolutions of the 20th century. The road to autonomy The Ecology of Freedom is probably the most important among Bookchin’s works, and the concept of social ecology developed in this book has been actively adopted by the revolutionaries in Rojava. Bookchin was convinced that “the very notion of the domination of nature by man stems from the very real domination of human by human.” By connecting capitalism, patriarchy and environmental destruction, he identified their combined abolition as the only way forward towards a just society. A similar holistic approach has been advocated and implemented by the Zapatistas as well. Sustainability has been an important point of reference in Chiapas, especially since the creation of the Caracoles in 2003. The autonomous government has been trying to recuperate ancestral knowledge about sustainable land use and combine it with newer agro-ecological practices. This logic is not only a matter of improving the living conditions in the communities and avoiding the use of agrochemicals, it also constitutes a rejection of the idea that large-scale export-oriented industrial agriculture is superior to the “primitive” way the indigenous people work the land. The similarities between the system of democratic confederalism that is being developed in Western Kurdistan and the autonomy being constructed in Chiapas go far beyond the few points I have stressed in this article. From slogans such as Ya Basta! — adapted in Kurdish as êdî bes e! — to the development of grassroots democracy, communal economic structures and the participation of women, the similar paths of the Kurdish movement and the Zapatistas both demonstrate a decisive break with the vanguardist notion of Marxism-Leninism and a new approach to revolution — emerging from below and aiming at the wholesale liberation of society and its reorganization into a non-hierarchical direction. Although both movements have received some bitter criticism from the more sectarian elements on the left, the very fact that the only major and successful experiments in revolutionary social change originate from non-Western, marginalized and colonized groups, should be considered a slap in the face of the white and privileged dogmatic “revolutionaries” of the global North who have hardly been successful in challenging oppression in their own countries but who still believe it is their judgment to decide what revolution looks like. In reality, the struggles in Rojava and Chiapas are powerful examples to the world, demonstrating the vast potential of grassroots self-organization and the importance of communal ties to counter the social atomization wrought by capitalism. Moreover, they are forcing many on the Western left — including some anarchists — to reconsider their colonial mindsets and ideological dogmatism. A world without capitalism, hierarchy, domination and environmental destruction — or as the Zapatistas would say, a world in which many worlds are possible — has often been depicted as “utopian” and “unrealistic.” Yet this world is not some future mirage that comes to us from the books: it is already being constructed by the Zapatistas and the Kurds, allowing us to re-imagine what radical social change looks like and providing a possible model for our own struggles back home. The red stars that shine over Chiapas and Rojava shed light on the way to liberation. If we need to summarize in one word what brings these two struggles together, it would definitely be autonomy. Petar Stanchev is finishing a degree in Latin American Studies and Human Rights at the University of Essex. He has previously lived and studied in Mexico and has been involved in the Zapatista solidarity movement for four years. This article was originally published at Kurdish Question and has been edited and republished with the author’s permission. _______________________________________________ NetworkedLabour mailing list NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

1 0

Fwd: Presentation of P2Pvalue on the 18th
by Michel Bauwens 18 Feb '15

18 Feb '15

second seminar about p2p value at the uni of wisconsin starts in 90 minutes: https://plus.google.com/events/ckt5n82vpclktta7rut6sbkrhok ---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Laura Hanson Schlachter <lhanson4(a)ssc.wisc.edu> Date: Wed, Feb 18, 2015 at 11:10 AM Subject: Re: Presentation of P2Pvalue on the 18th Hi everyone, I've just invited you all to join the Google Hangout for tomorrow at 12:15pm Central. You can also find the event page here: https://plus.google.com/events/ckt5n82vpclktta7rut6sbkrhok Best, Laura --- Laura Hanson Schlachter PhD Student, Sociology Project Assistant, Havens Center for the Study of Social Justice University of Wisconsin-Madisonlhanson4(a)wisc.edu On 02/17/15 13:36, Michel Bauwens wrote: Dear Marco and Karthik, and also Mayo if you are participating, The start will be officially at 12:15 lunchtime in Madison, Wisconsin, so thanks for checking beforehand how this fits with your location, Please be there 20 minutes in advance, so that we can test out. It will be done through Google+ and we're expecting about 15-20 minutes presentation from each, then we go to either questions for the physical audience, or perhaps via other online participants (there were 2 for the first session). I don't think slides are necessary, but you can send them so we can distrribute them to students later on or even in preparation. You can attach them in reply to all here. I am not sure who should talk first, I had originally planned Karthik but am open to change that if it makes more sense, Richard in cc will invite you in, On Tue, Feb 17, 2015 at 9:44 PM, Marco Berlinguer < marco.berlinguer(a)gmail.com> wrote: > Dear Michel (Mayo and Karthik in copy), > I am woriking to prepare something for the presentation of the 18th. > > But I have some questions. > > 1) About the hour: is it correct that the conversation is going to begin > at midnight of the 18th of February at GMT+1- central Europe - time? (that > is, to be clear, it is going to take place the first hours of the 19th, > here). > > 2) By which means is it going to take place? (Google +, Skype? how do we > connect?) > 3) How long it is going to be the time for the presentation that I have > to prepare? > > 4) If I have the time to do it, do I prepare some slides? In case, how do > I share them? > > 5) How it is going to be organized the whole conversation (with Khartik > and eventually with Mayo, if she joins in it) > > Thank you for answering > > Looking forward to talk with you soon > > Best > > Marco > > > -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/ -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

1 0

Re: [P2P-F] [NetworkedLabour] Algorithms of the next political-economy from local to global
by Orsan 18 Feb '15

18 Feb '15

yes Lynn, just replied in relation to your points! thanks > On 18 feb. 2015, at 16:57, Lynn Foster <foster.j.lynn(a)gmail.com> wrote: > > To add to Bob's comment: > > Although we don't want to create our own reputation system, it is true, as Orsan suggests, that the data entered into the NRP as people collaborate to do their work and log their contributions, can be a real-life input to a reputation system. For example, you can see did someone deliver when promised; what was the quality of someone's work as someone else uses that work; etc. > > Regarding connecting to currencies, we don't currently have any direct interfaces, but that could be done if and when needed. The system now supports any currency or type of currency or barter or whatever - but not an automated interface. > >> On Wed, Feb 18, 2015 at 7:57 AM, Bob Haugen <bob.haugen(a)gmail.com> wrote: >> Sensorica really wants a reputation system. We don''t want to build >> one. An affiliate of Sensorica has been working on one for a few years >> and thinks he can get ready this year some time, so we're hoping to >> use his. >> >> Beyond that, I am skeptical about reputation systems. I think they >> will be easily gamed and people will spend their time building >> reputations instead of anything useful. Like chasing twitter >> followers. But I do understand why people want them... >> >> On Wed, Feb 18, 2015 at 7:49 AM, Orsan <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> wrote: >> > Thanks for the clarification Bob. I some how have growing feeling that the stage 2 is coming closer, hope you/we could make it soon. >> > >> > ps. after the recent discussions on the currency issue, also external discussions i entered outside on the role of the repetitional systems, I suddenly started to think about possible use of the open value network, or more specifically NRP, also as an open reputation building system, in or through which the function of money can be embedded in the tool. Like using the labour value added in the production which is being traced via the tool you have been developing, directly as a trust based money to facilitate the exchanges within the network. Would this make sense to you and others, like if it is linked to fair.coin or fiat currencies with an interface like structure? >> > >> > orsan >> > >> > >> > >> >> On 16 feb. 2015, at 14:07, Bob Haugen <bob.haugen(a)gmail.com> wrote: >> >> >> >> I just wanted to clarify that our goals (Mikorizal) are: >> >> 1) first, to figure out the form and behavior (model and logic) for an >> >> open value network operating system, which is not yet finished, and >> >> 2 then (in parallel), collaborate with other people to standardize the >> >> model in the format of Linked Open Data and break the model and logic >> >> into smaller components developed by different people. As that stage >> >> becomes workable, it will supercede our current software. >> >> That effort has begun here, but proceeds slowly: >> >> https://github.com/openvocab/ovn >> >> >> >> We'll keep the current software alive as long as people are still >> >> using it and we are able to do so. But we really want stage 2. >> >> >> >> We are old people, we can't do all that needs to be done, and we want >> >> to work ourselves out of programming jobs. And we don't want a >> >> product. >> >> >> >>> On Mon, Feb 16, 2015 at 3:33 AM, Orsan Senalp <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> wrote: >> >>> I agree Anna, and also with Bob's and Tiberius' responses. >> >>> >> >>> In the Commons Transition website and books now we have already sets of >> >>> alternative putting concrete proposals for transition through policy >> >>> changes, but also movement and polity building perspectives. These provide a >> >>> good and solid base to start taking the discussions further, in order to >> >>> develop existing practical and analytical visions provided. This should >> >>> happen bottom up. And for this what is crucial is to ceate autonomous and >> >>> horizontal spaces where grassroots inventors from different networks can >> >>> work out together, with but independent from generalizing theorists, >> >>> strategists, and funders. This is crucial to be able to go on inventing and >> >>> adding value on top the provided visions of transition. So creative >> >>> development of strategies can be developed through wiki like modifications, >> >>> or forking that provide totally different alternatives. So either, as >> >>> Tiberius suggest, integrating people and tools that would function and >> >>> covering the points you raise Anna, or based on the insights provided >> >>> building a new vision or practice is possible. >> >>> >> >>> Again, what is really crucial in my humble opinion, is the fact that there >> >>> has been intensifying convergences between many networks, ideas, research, >> >>> practice and analyses, also between policy and action based approaches. This >> >>> made individual and collective contributions merge to create an emerging >> >>> picture of integrated networks of networks, in a way has the potential to >> >>> grow over and dominate the existing mode of production. >> >>> >> >>> This has been happening exactly in parallel to the intensified good and bad >> >>> happenings, as in greece, Spain, and Syria/Iraq/Ukraine, Asia-pasific, >> >>> Africa and cyberia, with the unfolding of the systemic crisis. The challenge >> >>> is now to make this happen: to practically work on networking variety of >> >>> alternative modes of associated production, which are addressing similar >> >>> tools and dynamics, cultures and so on, in a way reaching specific social >> >>> purposes and targets become possible. Thinking of how to integrate tools and >> >>> networks of Sensorica, cic, faircoop, mikorizal, gnlu, edu-factory, schools >> >>> of commons, social strike,.. >> >>> >> >>> As Tiberius said, not everything will become parts of a universal machine >> >>> like system, but a live and complex living organism that is part of Gaia, or >> >>> cosmos we are part of. We won't all use Mikroizal, but might chose to >> >>> modularly integrate various aspects, like production, learning, coop >> >>> exchange, p2p insurance, so on of various alternatives to each other... >> >>> while some of these forms focus on individual and enterprise, when >> >>> implementing tools to network, others will focus on workers, some coops, >> >>> elderly, children, land, money... Still not sure if it would work.. >> >>> >> >>> Yet one thing is sure, form the history, that created Lenin's, Stalin's, and >> >>> many other elements of what Bogdanov called the "IntermediaryIntelligentsia" >> >>> >> >>> "As early as 1906, in the third volume of his seminal work. Empiriomonizm, >> >>> Bogdanov had certainly admitted the possibility that "in certain conditions" >> >>> the "ideologues" of society might themselves acquire the status of an >> >>> "organizing class" which would rule over the masses. However, in other works >> >>> published before 1917 he had asked whether under capitalism the >> >>> intelligentsia might acquire such a status and his answer had been in the >> >>> negative. At most, he acknowledged that in certain historical periods when >> >>> relations between competing social classes were in a state of equilibrium >> >>> the intelligentsia might assert itself as an independent social group,"above >> >>> class,"and he cited the example of the liberal faction aroundLe National in >> >>> France in the 1840s, that of the "Legal Populists" in Russia during the >> >>> 1890s, and that of the "Liberationists"of the 1900s. For Bogdanov, as a >> >>> rule, however: The intermediary intelligentsia groups of society work >> >>> ideologically not for themselves but for others and so they can in no way >> >>> act as a determining force in pursuing the cultural tasks of our time." >> >>> >> >>> Based on the above insight, taken form Bogdanov, I think it is really >> >>> crucial that the working people, peer producers, commoners, who has the >> >>> practical and intellectual ability to unify their mental and manual work, >> >>> strategic and practical creative and innovative skills to determine how to >> >>> design and realize the transition will take place. That is why I believe it >> >>> is crucial not only for intellectuals, even for the sake of ruling classes' >> >>> survival, we emphasis verbally and action wise the importance of networks >> >>> and classes being the creators and vanguards of their own present and future >> >>> politics. That is why we need to give special care and attention to create >> >>> enabling spaces, channels, and tools for further empowerment of these >> >>> alternatives and every potential individual who is needed to join and and >> >>> give a hand in such empowerment by empowering themselves. >> >>> >> >>> Again as Tiberius calls, involvement of people like you, me, and all others >> >>> in developing, designing, and implementing tools like Sensorica, faircoop, >> >>> Mikroizal, GNLU, global square... is the thing. Any support from >> >>> intermeridate intelligentsia, enabling ngos, civil society, partner state or >> >>> other institutional perspectives are and can be really helpful to realize >> >>> the transition, but as a secondary contribution. If we see the latter more >> >>> important it means we already started to create possible future ruling >> >>> classes. >> >>> >> >>> Orsan >> >>> >> >>> >> >>> >> >>> On 15 Feb 2015, at 15:41, Anna Harris <anna(a)shsh.co.uk> wrote: >> >>> >> >>> It is interesting to see the link between Sensorica as presented by >> >>> Tiberius, and the article sent in by Francine Maestrum. As I understand it, >> >>> Sensorica allows people to claim all the value they contribute, including >> >>> adjustments for reputation, through a value equation, endorsed by all >> >>> participants. Very appealing for those who have something to contribute, and >> >>> offers an alternative to the capitalist economy which thrives on extracting >> >>> surplus value. >> >>> >> >>> Francine is wanting to provide for those who for whatever reason can't >> >>> contribute as part of that innovative model of production. And perhaps we >> >>> should ask - shouldn't that be part of the model? What happens in Sensorica >> >>> when there is sickness or accidents? Child care? Elderly relatives? Need a >> >>> holiday? Those with disabilities? Perhaps this was mentioned and I missed >> >>> it. 'Fairness' is not as simple as an algorithm which rewards on the basis >> >>> of contribution. Some may benefit If they remain fit and well. But it seems >> >>> pretty precarious if there is no support to fall back on when they are not. >> >>> >> >>> Calling something a commons doesn't just mean that something is available to >> >>> all, it also means making sure that people have the ability to take >> >>> advantage of that availability. In this new society we have to find a way to >> >>> care for each other to ensure that we don't just reproduce a system which >> >>> enables some to prosper, while others suffer. >> >>> >> >>> Anna >> >>> >> >>> >> >>> On 13 Feb 2015, at 21:45, Orsan <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> wrote: >> >>> >> >>> Thanks Bob! >> >>> >> >>> We were discussing manual-mental labour division, thinkers and doers, >> >>> economy and politics. I just want to recommend everyone to take time and >> >>> look in to Mikorizal and watch the below video, from Tiberius of Sensorica. >> >>> >> >>> http://mikorizal.org/groups.html >> >>> >> >>> http://youtu.be/Ixgp8_B9g5A >> >>> >> >>> Direction of possible fusion between open value networking, open coops, like >> >>> fair.coop, multi stakeholder cooperatives and the unionism I have been >> >>> promoting bears the potential of overcoming those divisions. we better get >> >>> ready for the scaling up of unifying political-economies in form of polity >> >>> as well. If Syriza can find a way to facilitate such transformation it has a >> >>> chance. Podemos in Spain is closer, though both have some disadvantages. In >> >>> case they can envisage and open a path to, some thing can be called, >> >>> Internet of Emancipatory Everything we might have a chance to stand together >> >>> before both big capitalist class or rising dark Internet of Everything as >> >>> the latest stage of capitalism. >> >>> >> >>> Orsan >> >>> >> >>> >> >>> _______________________________________________ >> >>> NetworkedLabour mailing list >> >>> NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org >> >>> http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour >> >>> >> >>> >> >>> _______________________________________________ >> >>> NetworkedLabour mailing list >> >>> NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org >> >>> http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour >> >>> >> _______________________________________________ >> NetworkedLabour mailing list >> NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org >> http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour >

1 0

Re: [P2P-F] [NetworkedLabour] Algorithms of the next political-economy from local to global
by Orsan 18 Feb '15

18 Feb '15

> Sensorica really wants a reputation system. We don''t want to build > one. An affiliate of Sensorica has been working on one for a few years > and thinks he can get ready this year some time, so we're hoping to > use his. apologies for not being clear Bob. let me try once more: I would understand why an OVN would need a reputation system but not NRP. What I meant was as far as I see it, the reputation is being built in the NRP by doing the work, by adding labour and value in someones project or job to do. So what does your program do is opening up the labour process and make the labour value produced by individuals and collectives and added into one project or to the system, in the production process. which is the source of all the value created at the end. Hence it does allow all in the network to see who did what, added where, and got what in return. This I think is a major importance in what your are innovating here, it is about hacking the material base of classlessness, by making the material base of differentiation of contributions, distribution, and circulation observable and traceable, if not quantifying. In a framework like this, any labour done by any one can be seen and recognized, as well as exploitation at any level of realization of the outcome, and income. When you think what you are tracing here is the labour and the value it adds, then it can also be thought as money (as reputation) to be used for any exchanges I mean. Since the reputation emerges from the ones labour, which she or he gives, by caring, doings, making, or thinking, as a trustable social property, which is 'trust', base of reputation. I think using such trust as 'money', being the tool, which is itself a pure social relationship, frees market relationships from any alienation and fetishization. orsan > Beyond that, I am skeptical about reputation systems. I think they > will be easily gamed and people will spend their time building > reputations instead of anything useful. Like chasing twitter > followers. But I do understand why people want them... > >> On Wed, Feb 18, 2015 at 7:49 AM, Orsan <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> wrote: >> Thanks for the clarification Bob. I some how have growing feeling that the stage 2 is coming closer, hope you/we could make it soon. >> >> ps. after the recent discussions on the currency issue, also external discussions i entered outside on the role of the repetitional systems, I suddenly started to think about possible use of the open value network, or more specifically NRP, also as an open reputation building system, in or through which the function of money can be embedded in the tool. Like using the labour value added in the production which is being traced via the tool you have been developing, directly as a trust based money to facilitate the exchanges within the network. Would this make sense to you and others, like if it is linked to fair.coin or fiat currencies with an interface like structure? >> >> orsan >> >> >> >>> On 16 feb. 2015, at 14:07, Bob Haugen <bob.haugen(a)gmail.com> wrote: >>> >>> I just wanted to clarify that our goals (Mikorizal) are: >>> 1) first, to figure out the form and behavior (model and logic) for an >>> open value network operating system, which is not yet finished, and >>> 2 then (in parallel), collaborate with other people to standardize the >>> model in the format of Linked Open Data and break the model and logic >>> into smaller components developed by different people. As that stage >>> becomes workable, it will supercede our current software. >>> That effort has begun here, but proceeds slowly: >>> https://github.com/openvocab/ovn >>> >>> We'll keep the current software alive as long as people are still >>> using it and we are able to do so. But we really want stage 2. >>> >>> We are old people, we can't do all that needs to be done, and we want >>> to work ourselves out of programming jobs. And we don't want a >>> product. >>> >>>> On Mon, Feb 16, 2015 at 3:33 AM, Orsan Senalp <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> wrote: >>>> I agree Anna, and also with Bob's and Tiberius' responses. >>>> >>>> In the Commons Transition website and books now we have already sets of >>>> alternative putting concrete proposals for transition through policy >>>> changes, but also movement and polity building perspectives. These provide a >>>> good and solid base to start taking the discussions further, in order to >>>> develop existing practical and analytical visions provided. This should >>>> happen bottom up. And for this what is crucial is to ceate autonomous and >>>> horizontal spaces where grassroots inventors from different networks can >>>> work out together, with but independent from generalizing theorists, >>>> strategists, and funders. This is crucial to be able to go on inventing and >>>> adding value on top the provided visions of transition. So creative >>>> development of strategies can be developed through wiki like modifications, >>>> or forking that provide totally different alternatives. So either, as >>>> Tiberius suggest, integrating people and tools that would function and >>>> covering the points you raise Anna, or based on the insights provided >>>> building a new vision or practice is possible. >>>> >>>> Again, what is really crucial in my humble opinion, is the fact that there >>>> has been intensifying convergences between many networks, ideas, research, >>>> practice and analyses, also between policy and action based approaches. This >>>> made individual and collective contributions merge to create an emerging >>>> picture of integrated networks of networks, in a way has the potential to >>>> grow over and dominate the existing mode of production. >>>> >>>> This has been happening exactly in parallel to the intensified good and bad >>>> happenings, as in greece, Spain, and Syria/Iraq/Ukraine, Asia-pasific, >>>> Africa and cyberia, with the unfolding of the systemic crisis. The challenge >>>> is now to make this happen: to practically work on networking variety of >>>> alternative modes of associated production, which are addressing similar >>>> tools and dynamics, cultures and so on, in a way reaching specific social >>>> purposes and targets become possible. Thinking of how to integrate tools and >>>> networks of Sensorica, cic, faircoop, mikorizal, gnlu, edu-factory, schools >>>> of commons, social strike,.. >>>> >>>> As Tiberius said, not everything will become parts of a universal machine >>>> like system, but a live and complex living organism that is part of Gaia, or >>>> cosmos we are part of. We won't all use Mikroizal, but might chose to >>>> modularly integrate various aspects, like production, learning, coop >>>> exchange, p2p insurance, so on of various alternatives to each other... >>>> while some of these forms focus on individual and enterprise, when >>>> implementing tools to network, others will focus on workers, some coops, >>>> elderly, children, land, money... Still not sure if it would work.. >>>> >>>> Yet one thing is sure, form the history, that created Lenin's, Stalin's, and >>>> many other elements of what Bogdanov called the "IntermediaryIntelligentsia" >>>> >>>> "As early as 1906, in the third volume of his seminal work. Empiriomonizm, >>>> Bogdanov had certainly admitted the possibility that "in certain conditions" >>>> the "ideologues" of society might themselves acquire the status of an >>>> "organizing class" which would rule over the masses. However, in other works >>>> published before 1917 he had asked whether under capitalism the >>>> intelligentsia might acquire such a status and his answer had been in the >>>> negative. At most, he acknowledged that in certain historical periods when >>>> relations between competing social classes were in a state of equilibrium >>>> the intelligentsia might assert itself as an independent social group,"above >>>> class,"and he cited the example of the liberal faction aroundLe National in >>>> France in the 1840s, that of the "Legal Populists" in Russia during the >>>> 1890s, and that of the "Liberationists"of the 1900s. For Bogdanov, as a >>>> rule, however: The intermediary intelligentsia groups of society work >>>> ideologically not for themselves but for others and so they can in no way >>>> act as a determining force in pursuing the cultural tasks of our time." >>>> >>>> Based on the above insight, taken form Bogdanov, I think it is really >>>> crucial that the working people, peer producers, commoners, who has the >>>> practical and intellectual ability to unify their mental and manual work, >>>> strategic and practical creative and innovative skills to determine how to >>>> design and realize the transition will take place. That is why I believe it >>>> is crucial not only for intellectuals, even for the sake of ruling classes' >>>> survival, we emphasis verbally and action wise the importance of networks >>>> and classes being the creators and vanguards of their own present and future >>>> politics. That is why we need to give special care and attention to create >>>> enabling spaces, channels, and tools for further empowerment of these >>>> alternatives and every potential individual who is needed to join and and >>>> give a hand in such empowerment by empowering themselves. >>>> >>>> Again as Tiberius calls, involvement of people like you, me, and all others >>>> in developing, designing, and implementing tools like Sensorica, faircoop, >>>> Mikroizal, GNLU, global square... is the thing. Any support from >>>> intermeridate intelligentsia, enabling ngos, civil society, partner state or >>>> other institutional perspectives are and can be really helpful to realize >>>> the transition, but as a secondary contribution. If we see the latter more >>>> important it means we already started to create possible future ruling >>>> classes. >>>> >>>> Orsan >>>> >>>> >>>> >>>> On 15 Feb 2015, at 15:41, Anna Harris <anna(a)shsh.co.uk> wrote: >>>> >>>> It is interesting to see the link between Sensorica as presented by >>>> Tiberius, and the article sent in by Francine Maestrum. As I understand it, >>>> Sensorica allows people to claim all the value they contribute, including >>>> adjustments for reputation, through a value equation, endorsed by all >>>> participants. Very appealing for those who have something to contribute, and >>>> offers an alternative to the capitalist economy which thrives on extracting >>>> surplus value. >>>> >>>> Francine is wanting to provide for those who for whatever reason can't >>>> contribute as part of that innovative model of production. And perhaps we >>>> should ask - shouldn't that be part of the model? What happens in Sensorica >>>> when there is sickness or accidents? Child care? Elderly relatives? Need a >>>> holiday? Those with disabilities? Perhaps this was mentioned and I missed >>>> it. 'Fairness' is not as simple as an algorithm which rewards on the basis >>>> of contribution. Some may benefit If they remain fit and well. But it seems >>>> pretty precarious if there is no support to fall back on when they are not. >>>> >>>> Calling something a commons doesn't just mean that something is available to >>>> all, it also means making sure that people have the ability to take >>>> advantage of that availability. In this new society we have to find a way to >>>> care for each other to ensure that we don't just reproduce a system which >>>> enables some to prosper, while others suffer. >>>> >>>> Anna >>>> >>>> >>>> On 13 Feb 2015, at 21:45, Orsan <orsan1234(a)gmail.com> wrote: >>>> >>>> Thanks Bob! >>>> >>>> We were discussing manual-mental labour division, thinkers and doers, >>>> economy and politics. I just want to recommend everyone to take time and >>>> look in to Mikorizal and watch the below video, from Tiberius of Sensorica. >>>> >>>> http://mikorizal.org/groups.html >>>> >>>> http://youtu.be/Ixgp8_B9g5A >>>> >>>> Direction of possible fusion between open value networking, open coops, like >>>> fair.coop, multi stakeholder cooperatives and the unionism I have been >>>> promoting bears the potential of overcoming those divisions. we better get >>>> ready for the scaling up of unifying political-economies in form of polity >>>> as well. If Syriza can find a way to facilitate such transformation it has a >>>> chance. Podemos in Spain is closer, though both have some disadvantages. In >>>> case they can envisage and open a path to, some thing can be called, >>>> Internet of Emancipatory Everything we might have a chance to stand together >>>> before both big capitalist class or rising dark Internet of Everything as >>>> the latest stage of capitalism. >>>> >>>> Orsan >>>> >>>> >>>> _______________________________________________ >>>> NetworkedLabour mailing list >>>> NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org >>>> http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour >>>> >>>> >>>> _______________________________________________ >>>> NetworkedLabour mailing list >>>> NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org >>>> http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour >>>>

1 0

Greece: Dreams Take Revenge. Documentary reporting the rise of the Commoners and Syriza in Greece - ** Crowdfunding Campaign **
by mark jagdev 18 Feb '15

18 Feb '15

Dear friends, This information comes from Paul Mason an award winning UK journalist at Channel 4 News and author. It is well known that from his reporting since the financial crisis, including his current reporting on Greece and Syriza that he is raising critical awareness of very real commons and peer to peer developments. *1. A Documentary reporting the rise of the Commoners and Syriza in Greece.* --- Please share and contribute ---- A feature length documentary following the Grassroots of Greece and the radical left Syriza government. *This documentary needs crowdfunding asap!* Contribute to it's production and eventual nation wide viewing here: "Greece: Dreams Take Revenge <https://www.indiegogo.com/projects/greece-dreams-take-revenge>". >From the pitch: "*We need funds to complete a feature-length documentary about the rise of a radical left government in Greece and its battle with the global finance system. We already have exclusive footage of the campaign at grass roots level. We followed activists, leaders and local communities for 22 days. Now we want to tell their story in the unfolding drama.*" "*A radical government takes on the world! Documentary: the inside story of Syriza's first 100 days.*" The problem with the big networks is that they just aren't reporting on these developments right now. Paul Mason knows this and wants to give it the attention to detail it deserves. He says: "*Even the best of the networks can't tell this story in the detail it deserves. We have low-profile camera crews, Greek speakers, with unparalleled access. And we are shooting now.*" Working alongside Paul is Theopi Skarlatos who directed the feature length documentary Love in the Time of Crisis (2014). She says: "*In January 2015 we started filming the Greek crisis, because: We knew the election would matter to the world. We had unique access. The network media won't cover the whole story.*" *Please support* this documentary "Greece: Dreams Take Revenge <https://www.indiegogo.com/projects/greece-dreams-take-revenge>". --- Please share and contribute ---- *2. Paul Mason New Book on the Horizon: *"Postcapitalism: A guide to our future" Allen Lane. August 2015. In a brief message exchange with Paul Mason I shared the following posts by David Bollier <http://bollier.org/blog/new-greek-government-endorses-commons-based-peer-pr…> and Vasilis Kostakis <http://nurkseschool.tumblr.com/post/110811291631/syrizas-new-plan-for-econo…> on p2p and commons developments in Greece. He replied saying that his next book, out in August, is actually about this! *Book Summary:* *Paul Mason surveys the wreckage of neoliberalism and comes up with two ideas: scrap neoliberalism to save globalisation, then use network technology to push beyond the market, into a world where automation, peer networks and sustainable technology creates a new economic system. The book that takes p2p out of academia and niche obsessions into the mainstream.* Coming in August 2015. Thank you Paul for doing this work. It's great to see you highlighting these critical trends. Kind regards, Mark

4 4