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September 2019
- 2 participants
- 26 discussions
Mark: You and your compatriots on P2P view the world from revisionism. Go
ahead and keep looking through your microscope-provided by your "teachers."
Or take the time and read some very old documented evidence available at a
library near you= but you may need to stay there awhile on microfiche.
-----Original Message-----
From: Mark Janssen
Sent: Sunday, October 23, 2011 4:39 PM
To: P2P Foundation mailing list
Subject: Re: [P2P-F] Fw: Info
On Sun, Oct 23, 2011 at 10:32 AM, Natalie Golovin <10natalie(a)cox.net> wrote:
> The European Tribes treated the Natives no worse than they treated each
> other.
Whoa. You should really stop talking. You have NO idea what you're
talking about. How about forced acculturation, not allowing them to
speak their own language (which hold the record of their own history),
confined them under threat of violent force into reservations, among
other things. But, really, that's probably not even the worst of it
-- the worst of it is that for reasons they couldn't ever understand
is why you were doing all of these cruel things when they were willing
to share it it all with you. Why, when they handed out their hand to
be friends, you chopped it off. Remember, they're the ones who gave
us Thanksgiving which is still "celebrated" in this nation today.
Read the reports made of making first contact with the Native peoples
here.
You really should read up before propagating the attitudes of
conquest. Sorry....
marcos
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3
4
---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Nick Hanauer <info(a)civicaction.com>
Date: Fri, Sep 13, 2019, 3:29 PM
Subject: A new economics
To: Jeffrey Sterling <jeffreygsterling(a)gmail.com>
Rich capitalists like me have never been richer.
[image: Civic Action]
Rich capitalists like me have never been richer.
It’s not because we’re smarter or working harder. So why do .01%-ers like
me consume an ever-increasing share of the economic pie?
It comes down to one thing: the system is rigged for big corporations and
plutocrats and against the average person. And at the heart of this rigged
system is neoliberal economic policies.
But our economy doesn’t have to work this way: We can and must form a new
economics and design a new system.
I recently gave a TED talk tearing down neoliberal economics and
trickle-down policies – and offered up my new vision for a more
cooperative, moralistic economics:
*Watch my new TED talk to learn about why neoliberalism is sociopathic –
and why we need to create a new economics of cooperation:*
<http://go.civicaction.com/page/m/46025914/3748c8c3/3f534dd6/11ea042d/437957…>
<http://go.civicaction.com/page/m/46025914/3748c8c3/3f534dd6/11ea042d/437957…>
*Nick Hanauer speaks at TEDSummit: A Community Beyond Borders. July 21-25,
2019, Edinburgh, Scotland. Photo: Ryan Lash / TED*
Over the last decade, the 1% have gotten $21 trillion richer while the
bottom 50% have gotten $900 billion poorer. It’s not by accident – decades
of backward economic theory have just gotten it wrong.
We’ve been taught greed is good, inequality is essential, and that
shareholders are the only thing that matter. But neoliberal ideas are just
a protection racket for the rich – and it’s time we create a new economics
– one that researchers and scientists are just starting to formulate.
Neoliberal economic dogma has been shattered by policies this progressive
community helped make a reality. We fought for a $15/hr minimum wage,
fought to restore worker protections, and helped institute family leave –
all of which trickle-downers said would tank the economy. Instead, the
economy is thriving, unemployment has gone down – and we’re just getting
started.
*The thinking is simple: When restaurant owners are suddenly required to
pay restaurant workers enough so that now even they can afford to eat in
restaurants it doesn’t shrink the restaurant industry – it grows it.
OBVIOUSLY.*
Unlike the laws of physics, the laws of economics are a choice.
Conservatives have sold their economic theories to us as if they were
unchangeable natural law, but, in fact, those theories are social
constructs based on pseudoscience. If we want new economics, all we have to
do is choose to have it.
Being rapacious does not make you a capitalist; it makes you a sociopath.
Instead of a greed first, ask questions later approach – we need to invest
in cooperation as a growth mechanism for our economy. When everyone does
better, the economy does better.
The laws of economics are a choice –and I hope you take a moment to watch
my TED talk to find out what other ideas I have to formulate a new economy
where everyone does better. But hey, don’t take it from me, I’m just a
zillionaire spending my fortune the best way I know how: fighting for
policies that will rebalance the economy in favor of the middle class.
*Here’s that link to my TED talk again, I hope you’ll watch it.*
<http://go.civicaction.com/page/m/46025914/3748c8c3/3f534dd6/11ea042d/437957…>
Thank you so much for being such an important part of this team as we work
to end neoliberal stooges rigging the system against the vast majority of
people.
[image: Hey, while you're here: At Civic Action we're trying to buck the
status quo and expand the middle class through activism and education.
We're not afraid of making a little trouble, but we can't do it without
your help. Will you pitch in to support our efforts? We promise to put
every penny toward ending the neoliberal stranglehold on our economic and
political system. Pitch in now:]
<http://go.civicaction.com/page/m/46025914/3748c8c3/3f534dd6/11ea042c/437957…>
Paid for by Civic Action
This email was sent to jeffreygsterling(a)gmail.com.
------------------------------
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29 Sep '19
---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Post Growth Institute <info(a)postgrowth.org>
Date: Sun, Sep 29, 2019 at 12:00 AM
Subject: Closing the space between us | Full Circle 🌎 with the PGI
To: Michel <michelsub2004(a)gmail.com>
The whole is greater than the sum of its parts. Discover the strength of
our global interconnections and how to support like-minded organizations.
[image: Post Growth Institute 'support' newsletter banner]
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
Dear Michel,
Across the planet, grassroots initiatives are building systems that *offer
hopeful alternatives* to our extractive, growth-dependent economy. The
power of these projects lies not only in their local influence but in
global connections of *support, guidance, and encouragement*.
Despite our varied focuses and approaches, #postgrowth provides an
overarching concept to *challenge the dominant paradigm. *Setting aside our
differences and united by a shared sense of *where our evolution needs to
go,* we're starting to relax into supporting each other.
For the Support edition of Full Circle, we introduce the *Post Growth
Alliance, our cooperative social media service *that saves member
organizations time and money while increasing their exposure. Find out how
to *join the PGA family, learn about one of its members, *and meet one of
our long-time volunteers – part of a community of activists dedicated
to *helping
us shift the worldview*.
As we weave a rich tapestry, *closing the space between us enhances our
strength*. The whole is greater than the sum of its parts.
Thanks for your support,
[image: graphic of networked globe]
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
Post Growth Alliance
Many nonprofits are at the cutting edge of sustainability activism and
debate, but their work remains underexposed. The *Post Growth Alliance*
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
(PGA) is a service that creates and amplifies engaging content for member
organizations by drawing on the power of the network to share each
others' posts across social media.
*Find out more about the PGA*
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
.
PGA member profile: Promoting Economic Pluralism
[image: screenshot of PGA post for PEP's Not the Nobel Prize]
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
*Promoting Economic Pluralism*
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
(PEP)
seeks to co-create truly sustainable, resilient, and inclusive new
economies thought strategic activities and projects that influence economic
analysis, teaching, and thinking.
PEP is also responsible for the 'Not the Nobel Prize', an initiative to
celebrate thinkers and doers finding economic answers to the challenges of
the 21st century.
Find out more about *Promoting Economic Pluralism*
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>,
and vote for the seven finalists of 2019's *Not the Nobel Prize in
Economics*
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>.
[image: Each and every subscriber helps to amplify PGA posts, which
currently reach an average of 20,470 people.]
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
Support the PGA
There's an easy and effective way to support groups changing the world –
and it doesn't cost a cent. *Subscribe to our mailing list*
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
and
receive exciting content, ready crafted and formatted to share on social
media.
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
[image: graphic showing rise in use of postgrowth hashtag on Twitter]
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
The #postgrowth story is taking off on Twitter. In 2019 so far, #postgrowth
has been tweeted 21,963 times. That's a *258% increase from 2018* and a
66,167% increase since 2009 when the hashtag was first used!
*Meet PGI volunteer, Sarah Riebstein*
A PhD candidate at Princeton University, Sarah researches universal basic
income and the Alaska Permanent Fund’s resource dividend model. As an
activist, she works with us on refining and spreading our vision of a
not-for-profit economy
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
–
including a stint managing the PGA. Here she shares a little about what
it's like to work with the PGI.
[image: photo of PGI volunteer Sarah Reibstein]
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
"We can bring our whole selves to the work we do at the PGI. There is a
focus on highlighting the passions and strengths that each of us bring to
the table, ensuring we're each contributing in ways that are most
beneficial to the organization and ourselves. We also make space for
sharing if circumstances in our lives might be negatively impacting us –
something that I find is particularly missing in many other environments,
where personal difficulties are often swept under the rug."
*Meet the whole PGI team*
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>.
[image: PGI donate button]
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
<https://postgrowth.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=dcc08996cc57fb1c3f5af6…>
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[image: Medium]
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1
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Fwd: The Optics of the Commons: an invitation for reflection and transformation
by Michel Bauwens 28 Sep '19
by Michel Bauwens 28 Sep '19
28 Sep '19
---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Georgia Nicolau <georgia.nicolau(a)gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Sep 28, 2019 at 4:05 AM
Subject: The Optics of the Commons: an invitation for reflection and
transformation
To: Michel Bauwens <michel(a)p2pfoundation.net>
View this email in your browser
<https://us16.campaign-archive.com/?e=&u=994c9bd0160ff1ce9f87c8361&id=adc511…>
*"The commons is what gives meaning to our existence" Kum'tum
Akroá-Gamella, from the Akroá-Gamella people, state of Maranhão, northeast
of Brazil.*
We believe that the commons, in its multiple perspectives, is an essential
kaleidoscope concept for facing this historic moment of hopelessness, in
Brazil and in the world.
The Optics of the Commons series brings together sixteen short episodes
featuring voices and ideas from young experts and activists. In the videos,
they address different perspectives on living and making communities based
on a diversity of studies, practices and experiences. Seen together, the
approaches produce inspiring resonances.
Taking inspiration from these words, the Procomum Institute
<https://www.procomum.org/the-institute-procomum/?lang=en> invites everyone
to reflect and question our ways of existing, living and building
relationships.
Watch and share! Let's talk about how together we can dream - and build-
other possible futures. *All videos have english subtitles*.
"I look at the commons from the perspective of the black people, who have
always been separated from the State and capital” Bianca Santana, writer,
journalist and researcher defines the Commons as the goods shared by
certain communities, their experiences and resistances.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7a7emZKVF4w&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
The occupation of public spaces, conflicts and the construction of public
policies that prioritize cities for people are themes and strategies raised
by Marcio Black, cultural producer, political scientist and member of the
Black System Collective, to interpret the Commons.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fay4LtN9ksk&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
“The commons is what gives meaning to our existence,” shares Kum'tum
Akroá-Gamella, a member of the Akroá-Gamella people, indigenous from
Northeast of Brazil. For him, we are living a crisis that endangers the
very existence of the planet because of practices that are part of a
certain ideology of progress. Ancestral knowledge and a new way of seeing
and understanding nature defines the commons for Kum'tum.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZgUDk-cELTM&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
It is through the exchange, encounter and strengthening of autonomous
experiences of traditional communities and spaces of resistance throughout
Brazil and Latin America that the Collective Etinerâncias believes that the
commons moves and is present.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yEl1XEafyao>
“The commons means a production focused on sharing and a permanent cycle of
learning and distribution,” says João Brant, associate at the Procomum
Institute and consultant in the areas of communication and cultural
policies.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SqH6DvAKgF4&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
Abundance of water, soil and fresh air are common natural goods, but there
are limitations placed by private property, for example. These reflections
accompany and define the commons for Cinthia Mendonça, artist, researcher
and director of Silo - Arte e Latitude Rural.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IX5cpQYzAEU&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
What struggles, conflicts and constructions fit the definition of commons?
Does natural goods define it in its complexity? The value of the commons to
Jean Tible, professor of political science at USP- University of São Paulo.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gPxrIKgkMog&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
"The commons has to do with practices, relationships, territories and has
to do with people, collective subjects," says Tica Moreno, a member of SOF
(Sempreviva Feminist Organization), Master in Humanities and Social
Sciences at the Federal University of ABC and PhD in Sociology by USP.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6PsLmCCFn58&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
The commons, for those who come from the peripheries, is in the daily
encounter and the plurality of actions. It surpasses the limits, the
margins and defies the walls that prevent the construction of a more
democratic and fair city. This is one of the commons perspectives for
Mariana Belmont, journalist and member of the Imargem collective.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aDe7LvrVCxs&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
“You can't have the commons where there is inequality. You can't have the
commons where there is oppression,” says Juliana Gonçalves, journalist and
human rights activist. For her, it is from the micro to the macro, from the
margins to the center that practices and knowledges that make up the
commons are constructed and replicated.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fa1WeSs5ETc&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
What values do we exchange daily? How do they affect us? What connects us
and what makes us divide spaces? How do we create cultures for the commons?
Thiago Carrapatoso is a journalist and master of the Center for Curatorial
Studies (CCS) at Bard College, and presents commons from other perspectives
on the bodies, values and cultural impositions.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L7JyuLjdGv8&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
How is the commons presented in contemporary struggles? In resistances,
existences - in the countryside and in the city. In cooperative relations
and the confrontation with capitalism. Alana Moraes, an anthropologist and
doctoral student at the Museu Nacional-UFRJ, presents perspectives that
define and confront the commons.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YjyK3IyXCEc&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
“The commons is what endures, that is perpetuated for centuries. It is in
the transversality between art, science, technology and ancestry”. Ricardo
Brazileiro, computer scientist, master in Media, Interaction and Creative
Systems for the Internet of Things, defends living in networks, occupying
territories, spaces, free technologies and the sacred as opportunities for
the commons.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wgDE-0OWM8k&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
Knowledge, culture and science belong to everyone and belong to no one at
the same time. Henrique Parra, sociologist and activist, professor of
social sciences at the Federal University of São Paulo, explains the set of
distinct political principles, practices and meanings that define the
commons.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LC-T-OvQ5CM&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
Constantly learning and unlearning, being with people and building with
them, finding commonality in differences is what motivates Georgia Nicolau,
director of the Procomum Institute.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3u6FNlCO2Xs&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
The commons is the place of the in between, it is the crossroads, the
dialogue and the convergence. A political device of social transformation.
Rodrigo Savazoni, from the Procomum Institute, sees the commons as
construction, possibility and practice.
Click here to watch the full video
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bS5_dTVh11c&list=PLz53SY9iZdF55YaAXY2S-kVlp…>
[image: Facebook] <http://www.facebook.com/institutoprocomum>
[image: Instagram] <http://instagram.com/procomum>
[image: Website] <http://procomum.org>
*Copyright © 2019 Instituto Procomum, All rights reserved.*
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Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org
P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net
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---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: OpenStructures <hello(a)openstructures.net>
Date: Fri, Sep 27, 2019 at 12:00 PM
Subject: Introducing OpenStructures.family
To: <michelsub2004(a)gmail.com>
After a long silence - we’re back and proudly present the new website !!
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-8h958ll2-gau>
New:
Website!
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-dbujaqp2-xdk>
© OpenStructures
Yes! We're clickable again. 🖤
After a long silence - we’re back and proudly present the new
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-ey20s0de-uo>website !!
It comprises a database of Parts
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-ko0jr8qv-hsa> and Applications
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-m0ct50tz-ynr>, a News
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-r6sclrwz-zqt> page and soon also a
Shop <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-tkm6kelu-1aql>.
You can find previous as well as upcoming Projects
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-yrcbmp7a-5z7> on the history page –
as well as a repository of Designers
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-63fbyu5e-egg> and of our Network
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-a4glyyme-epm>. Don’t forget to check
back soon again, since more is going to be added over time.
*New Address:We Are Fa-mi-ly!*
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-bgqyqmxy-9mr>
© OpenStructures
OpenStructures.net <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-gt5250ma-8ln>
becomes OpenStructures.family
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-j0to90qv-u28>
Based on a shared grid, everything is connected
to everything within the OpenStructures system.
We took these tangible links – between original and derivative parts, first
and second editions, initial designs and reconfigurations – as the central
feature of the new platform.
Each object <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-o3cjearb-341>, event
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-r6rteoer-wwp> or designer
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-tok8m6wi-hsh> reveals various
relations with other people, ‘family members’, ‘siblings’ or ‘ancestors’ at
the bottom of each
profile page <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-yz8hbvdi-he3>.
Commission:
JAM Hotel Lisbon
© Laurens Thys
Atelier Lionel Jadot has invited OpenStructures Studio to collaborate on a
sustainable hotel project in Lisbon
Atelier Lionel Jadot <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-44eq0mjm-53u>
from Brussels has commissioned OS_Studio together with Dutch designer Rikkert
Pauw <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-acc6fzra-e6s> to develop a
typology of lamps and furniture for an ambitious and circular hotel
redevelopment in Lisbon.
During a workshop hosted by OpenStructures, we sketched how the design
concept by Lionel Jadot could be complemented with local found footage by
Rikkert Paul and OpenStructures compatible elements by OS_Studio
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-bsl4shpi-7km>.
Publication:
Future Kind
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-f2035qhu-9q1>
© Thames & Hudson
OpenStructures is featured in Futurekind: Design by and for the People
OpenStructures is proud to be part of a compendium of sixty design projects
enabled by new technologies that reveal how innovative, socially and
environmentally conscious designs allow us to change the world for the
better.
The book was launched this summer in New York, in presence of its editor Dr
Robert Phillips, Senior Tutor of Design Products + Futures at Royal College
of Art in London and is available
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-kzvb18jr-3ep>here
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-nvfvgg2v-1128>.
Workshop:
Reclaim the suburbs
© Oswald Devisch
CAPA.CITY experimental autumn school
14 - 17 Oct. Turnhout (Be)
OpenStructures is applied as a hands-on tool in an academic research
project on retrofitting suburban areas by the architecture department of
Hasselt University.
>From 14 - 17 October, we will rethink suburbia by prototyping and building
various proposals for retrofitting. All of this this will be supported by
lectures on participatory design, collective learning and capacity building.
The CAPA.CITY project is a collaboration between both academic and
non-academic partners and carried out in 6 different residential
subdivisions in Belgium, Denmark and France.
More information here <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-r6rs5qc3-s28>
Also New:
Atelier & Archive
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-tsiauaya-7a5>
© Laurens Thys
We also have a new Atelier / Archive / Workshop Space
As part of 80 projects, all of which have a focus on sustainability and
social innovation, our second space in Brussels is hosting the physical
archive of our digital parts library
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-x45xfg2e-14h1> on the See-U
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-48cthoo2-ewd> site.
The Atelier is a place for people of various ages and skills (from school
children to senior architects) and will be used for workshops and temporary
residenties.
Contact us <info(a)openstructures.net>, if you want to file trough the
library of Parts or organise a workshop.
Rue Fritz Toussaint straat 8, 1050 Brussels
(open on appointment only)
Collection:
Design museum Ghent
© OpenStructures
Everything gets re-cycled !
Parallel with the launch of the new platform
Design Museum Gent has acquired the previous and first OS website for its
collection.
Design Museum Gent <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-8dbmzohy-j36>
reasons that the website is the digital manifestation of an early and
valuable project of social, eco- and DIY-design and that design manifests
itself more and more digitally and in the form of processes rather than in
shapes only.
While the collection represents the history of Belgian design, the website
will be its first digital, intangible collection piece and will continue to
tell the story of the first phase of the OpenStructures project.
It will be presented later this year as part of the museum’s ‘Object
Stories’ <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-djqotl46-xxa> exhibition
series.
Product:
Pyloon shelving system
© Atelier Ternier
OS compatible shelving system by Atelier Ternier
Atelier Ternier <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-gx34d4o2-138a>’s
shelving system ‘Pyloon’ assembles without tools nor screws. Panels are
pushed horizontally over aluminium tubes and held on distance by vertical
plates and pegs. Together they obtain optimal stability. The tubes are at
the same time feet, hinge and handle and are compatible with loads of other
OpenStructures parts.
The Pyloon family will be on display at the Contemporary Design Market in
Brussels on 28-29 September and from October later this year at our Studio
in Brussels. Soon available online here
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-krz7d3wn-5sn>.
Acknowledgement:
Thank You.
© OpenStructures
OpenStructures only exists due to the work and enthusiasm of You.
Many thanks to all of you who kept encouraging and supporting us, who have
been collaborating, reflecting, criticising, and enriching the system and
its database with insight, enthusiasm and most of all: designs!
It is thanks to you that this database
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-nrid7izr-es3> of open modular
designs exists and continuously grows.
Also a special thanks to the kind support of BeCircular
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-r6sd8y6b-y2c> by the Brussels
Capital Region which allowed us to redevelop the platform.
<http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-v7t3xcky-n1m>
GDPR
You receive this mail since you’ve expressed interest in OpenStructures in
the past. Since the GDPR rules have changed meanwhile, we would like to
know if you are still interested in what we do? In case you no longer wish
to receive our news, you can unsubscribe on the link below and we will
delete your contact details.
Unsubscribe here <http://p.smoton.com/f2rqqkw7-8c19xog7-ynetzjti-wk5>
PROVOOSTSTRAAT 10
B - 1050 BRUSSELS
INFO
@OPENSTRUCTURES.NET <info(a)openstructures.net>
--
P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net
Connect: http://p2pfoundation.ning.com; Discuss:
http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation
Updates: http://del.icio.us/mbauwens; http://friendfeed.com/mbauwens;
http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens
1
0
Very important historical essay on the relation between the market and the commons
by Michel Bauwens 27 Sep '19
by Michel Bauwens 27 Sep '19
27 Sep '19
Articulating an Empirically Grounded Model of the Relation Between Markets
and Commons
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Articulating_an_Empirically_Grounded_Model_o…>
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Articulating_an_Empirically_Grounded_Model_o…>
** Article: Situating the sharing economy: between markets, commons and
capital. By Adam Arvidsson. Chapter 2 of the Handbook of the Sharing
Economy
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Handbook_of_the_Sharing_Econ…>,
Pages:10–26. Edited by Russell W. Belk, Giana M. Eckhardt and Fleura
Bardhi. Elgar, September 2019*
URL = https://doi.org/10.4337/9781788110549.00007
Abstract[edit
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Articulating_an_Empirically_…>
]
"This chapter uses historical sociology to articulate an empirically
grounded model of the relation between markets, commons, sharing and
exchange in the history of capitalism in the West. The author revisits
historical debates on the role of the commons in the transition to
capitalism in the European Middle Ages to suggest that the market and the
commons have a history of long and complicated relations in the development
of Western modernity. His intention is to build on the renewed attention to
the longue durée of capitalism and modernity-greatly inspired by recent
debates on the Anthropocene—to explore what new insights can be gained from
shifting the focus away from the great transformation of the 19th century
that often figures as a model for how social change might come about. The
author concludes that, far from being a historical novelty, the present
emergence of a commons based sharing economy is a recurrent feature that in
the past has implied a potential for systemic transformation."
PROBABLY SIMILAR TO ;
Capitalism and the Commons
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Capitalism_and_the_Commons#mw-head>
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Capitalism_and_the_Commons#p-search>
** Article: Capitalism and the Commons. By Adam Arvidsson.Theory, Culture &
Society, 2019*
URL = https://www.academia.edu/40231280/CAPITALISM_AND_THE_COMMONS?
Contents [hide <https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Capitalism_and_the_Commons#>
]
- 1 Abstract
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Capitalism_and_the_Commons#Abstract>
- 2 Contents
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Capitalism_and_the_Commons#Contents>
- 3 Excerpts
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Capitalism_and_the_Commons#Excerpts>
- 3.1 Author's Summary
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Capitalism_and_the_Commons#Author.27s_Summary>
- 4 More information
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Capitalism_and_the_Commons#More_information>
Abstract[edit
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Capitalism_and_the_Commons&a…>
]
"This article investigates the potential role of the commons in the future
transformation of digital capitalism by comparing it to the role of the
commons in the transition to capitalism. In medieval and early modern
Europe the commons supported gradual social and technological innovation as
well as a new civil society organized around the combination of
commons-based petty production and new ideals of freedom and equality.
Today the new commons generated by the global real subsumption of ordinary
life processes are supporting similar forms of commons-based petty
production. After positioning the new petty producers within the framework
of the crisis of digital capitalism, the article concludes by extrapolating
a number of hypothetical scenarios for their role in its future
transformation."
Contents[edit
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Capitalism_and_the_Commons&a…>
]
"The paper divides in four sections.
- After some background and a preliminary definition of key concepts
(like ‘capitalism’ and ‘commons’),
- I revisit the role of the commons in the development and crisis of
European feudalism.
- The following section seeks to untangle the complicated relation
between modern capitalism and the commons, and identify the specific role
of the commons in contemporary digital capitalism.
- The fourth section suggests that the socialized nature of the digital
commons is driving a revitalization of forms of commons- based petty
production similar to those that contributed to undermining the feudal
order in the 13th and 14th centuries, and draws up a number of hypothetical
scenarios for the possible future transformation of digital capitalism that
might result from this."
Excerpts[edit
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Capitalism_and_the_Commons&a…>
]
See:
1. Medieval Commons
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Medieval_Commons> ; Medieval
Commonism and the Ideologies of Ethical Markets
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Medieval_Commonism_and_the_Ideologies_of_Eth…>
2. Markets and Commons
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Markets_and_Commons>
3. Anti-Markets <https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Anti-Markets> ; Markets
without Capitalism
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Markets_without_Capitalism>
4. Crucial Roles of Petty Producers in the Transition to Capitalism
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Crucial_Roles_of_Petty_Producers_in_the_Tran…>
Author's Summary[edit
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Capitalism_and_the_Commons&a…>
]
Adam Arvidsson:
" What is the role of the commons in the future of digital capitalism? What
scenarios do the growing economic and cultural significance of digital
commons like Free an Open Source Software, Commons Based Peer Production
and, lately, blockchain technologies entail? This essay suggest that as
well as a significant source of resistance to capitalism, the digital
commons also support new forms of market oriented ‘petty production’ (to
use Marx’ term). In many ways, this is similar to the role that the commons
- rural and urban - played in the crisis of feudalism in the European Late
Middle Ages. Then as now, the commons were a powerful source of alternative
lifestyles and social movements. They were also crucial to the development
of a new market society that became a source of significant technological,
institutional and cultural innovation, laying the foundation for a new
capitalist mode of production. In the last section of the paper, I
speculate on whether the digital commons can support a similar process of
market-driven social transformation, and on how this might change the
nature of digital capitalism in the decades to come. *I have chosen the
experience of European feudalism in the 12th to 14th centuries as my main
point of comparison*, rather than the ‘original accumulation’ of the long
sixteenth century, and the Polanyian Great Transformation of the industrial
revolution, which have been the most important historical references for
contemporary scholarship on the anti-capitalist commons. This is not to
suggest that we are in a new Middle Age, as Umberto Eco famously did in the
1970s (Eco, 1977), but rather to highlight the possible role of
commons-based market actors in driving social change."
More information[edit
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Capitalism_and_the_Commons&a…>
]
- Re-ordered bibliography based on Adam Arvidsson's references: Bibliography
on System-to-System Transitions
<https://wiki.p2pfoundation.net/Bibliography_on_System-to-System_Transitions>
--
P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net
Connect: http://p2pfoundation.ning.com; Discuss:
http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation
Updates: http://del.icio.us/mbauwens; http://friendfeed.com/mbauwens;
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1
0
Fwd: Future is Public | Democratic ownership of the economy conference (4-5 Dec Amsterdam) website opens for registration
by Michel Bauwens 27 Sep '19
by Michel Bauwens 27 Sep '19
27 Sep '19
---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Satoko Kishimoto <satoko(a)tni.org>
Date: Fri, Sep 27, 2019 at 1:40 PM
Subject: Future is Public | Democratic ownership of the economy conference
(4-5 Dec Amsterdam) website opens for registration
To: <satoko(a)tni.org>
Cc: Lavinia Steinfort <l.steinfort(a)tni.org>
Dear friends,
I hope this finds you well. I am reaching out to friends with whom I have
been in touch when producing the book 'Reclaiming Public Services - how
cities and citizens are turning back privatisation' (published by TNI and
partners in 2017). We have also after publishing the book continued our
research and advocacy work on de-privatisation. I am pleased to inform you
about the upcoming international conference 'Future is public - Democratic
ownership of the economy', held on 4th-5th December in Amsterdam, The
Netherlands.
https://futureispublic.org/
The conference is co-hosted by TNI and the city of Amsterdam in
collaboration with international partners. I hope you find it interesting
and I would like to welcome you to register. We plan to live-stream the
conference too.
We will during the conference release the result of an updated mapping
study on the global remunicipalisation trend.
Your feedback and questions are welcome.
Best regards,
Satoko Kishimoto
--
Satoko Kishimoto
Transnational Institute
Amsterdamwww.tni.org
e: satoko(a)tni.org
m: +32 4 7448 6268
t: @satokokishimoto
CONNECT WITH TNI
- Sign up to TNI's e-newsletters: http://www.tni.org/subscribe
- Support TNI: www.tni.org/support-tni
- TNI on twitter: https://twitter.com/TNInstitute
--
Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org
P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net
<http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates:
http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens
#82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/
1
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---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: The Next System Project <nextsystem(a)democracycollaborative.org>
Date: Tue, Sep 24, 2019 at 8:01 PM
Subject: Our World-Transforming Ideas at The World Transformed
To: <michel(a)p2pfoundation.net>
Public pharma, inclusive ownership, green banks and more at London
conference this weekend
The latest from The Next System Project
The Democracy Collaborative was a partner in The World Transformed
conference, a four-day festival of politics, arts and music that took place
this past weekend in Brighton, England to help build left power both inside
and outside of government. Here are some of the big ideas we presented at
the conference.
*A Pharmaceutical Public Option for the UK*
<https://thenextsystem.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=e51d2c7d40bc9992285…>
High prescription drug costs are a problem for the United Kingdom as they
are in the United States. Our working paper, co-produced with the
organizations Just Treatment and Global Justice Now, identifies how the key
principles of public ownership can apply in the UK's pharmaceutical sector.
It also sets out a vision of what democratic participation, engagement, and
transparency would look like.
Get the report...
<https://thenextsystem.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=e51d2c7d40bc9992285…>
Meanwhile, in the United States the fight for a pharmaceutical public
option escalates this week as House Speaker Nancy Pelosi introduced her own
plan for lowering drug prices. Next System Project director Dana Brown
looks at the bill and concludes that democratically owned pharmaceutical
operations are the most important missing element.
Read more...
<https://thenextsystem.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=e51d2c7d40bc9992285…>
*The Truth Behind Inclusive Ownership Funds*
<https://thenextsystem.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=e51d2c7d40bc9992285…>
Recently, the Financial Times launched a full-scale assault on the
idea of “inclusive
ownership funds,
<https://thenextsystem.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=e51d2c7d40bc9992285…>”
in which businesses would share ownership with worker-controlled trusts,
that contained an analytic error so egregious 82 distinguished economists
felt compelled to publicly correct it. With our friends at Common Wealth,
we published an explanatory graphic of the ownership funds
framework, especially as more and more of the business press is recognizing
that this is an idea that will need to be reckoned with.
See and share the graphic...
<https://thenextsystem.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=e51d2c7d40bc9992285…>
*A Digital Cooperative Alternative to Online Giants*
<https://thenextsystem.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=e51d2c7d40bc9992285…>
The top five firms in the world in terms of market capitalization—Alphabet
(Google), Amazon, Apple, Facebook, and Microsoft—collectively have outsize
power over the functioning of the global economy. Next System Project
fellow Dan Hind argues in his latest report, copublished with Common
Wealth, that reasserting the primacy of democracy over private power
requires reckoning with these leading firms and with the digital sector
more generally. He proposes a "public option" for the digital sphere in the
UK, a British Digital Cooperative that would act as a space for egalitarian
collaboration as well as rapid technological innovation.
Get the report...
<https://thenextsystem.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=e51d2c7d40bc9992285…>
Learn more about the basics of system change and catch up with past
episodes of The Next System Podcast
<https://thenextsystem.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=e51d2c7d40bc9992285…>
on our website, thenextsystem.org
<https://thenextsystem.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=e51d2c7d40bc9992285…>.
DONATE
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--
Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org
P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net
<http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates:
http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens
#82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/
1
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---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Hazel Henderson <hazel.henderson(a)ethicalmarkets.com>
Date: Wed, Sep 25, 2019 at 1:37 AM
Subject: RE: “STEERING SOCIETIES FROM GDP’s 7 DEADLY SINS
To: Larae Long <larae.long(a)ethicalmarkets.com>
*“STEERING SOCIETIES FROM GDP’s 7 DEADLY SINS *
*TO SDGS AND THE GOLDEN RULE”*
September 23, 2019
by Hazel Henderson©, author of
“Mapping the Global Transition to the Solar Age: From Economism to Earth
Systems Science (2014)
As so many of us watch our representatives meeting at the United Nations
(UN) this week, many of us, particularly in the USA, yearn to restore
norms of behavior we learned as children from caring parents and teachers:
the simple guidelines of the GOLDEN RULE: treat and respect each other as
we wish to be treated.
This GOLDEN RULE is also at the core of most of the world’s great religious
and spiritual traditions. Yet in the rush to industrialize and grow as
economics textbooks taught, by growing according to the money-based GDP and
all its market statistics about maximizing “efficiency” of production,
this omitted all the dis-economies, dis-services and dis-amenities to those
in the rural, unpaid and voluntary service “Love Economies“, while ignoring
the fundamental life-supporting services of Nature.
Economists ruled the world with their pretensions to scientific exactitude,
even lobbying the Nobel committee to set up the phony Bank of Sweden Prize
in Memory of Alfred Nobel, now rejected by his descendants in today’s Nobel
family.
Yet the view of economic textbooks was wrong: equating human nature as
fundamentally selfish, competitive and individualistic, with all loving,
voluntary unpaid activities in the other half of these caring sectors all
societies was designated as un-economic and ignored, while declaring that
the world was dominated by scarcity, which drove people to anxiety, fear,
competition and conflict. In other words, the GDP, economic growth model
is based on the 7 Deadly Sins; greed, selfishness, hoarding resources,
pride, envy, competition dishonesty and conflict! Yes, humans have these
temptations and traits, but the glass is also half full of kindness,
caring, respect for others and Nature and all we were taught as good
behavior, as in the Golden Rule!
The economists are wrong in believing we inhabit a fundamentally scarce
world. We actually live it a world of abundance! Our planet Earth
receives a daily shower of free photons from our Mother star, the Sun,
which we are now learning from plants, how to harvest successfully in
solar panels, wind generators, and the life-supporting technology of
photosynthesis which plants invented to turn those free photons into
carbohydrates --- providing humanity with our foods, fiber, wood and all
the materials we need to live well and sustainably. When as creative
caring individuals we also practice collaboration, sharing information,
volunteering and focusing on our communities and the common good and the
future of our children, we assure an abundant future for all in healthy
soils for plants and trees and a life-giving biosphere.
So, let’s incentivize our best behaviors and dismiss the economic advisors
from our decision-making! Most economic models and incentives still
reflect the 7 Deadly Sins of GDP-growth now revealed as malfunctioning
source-code that crept onto the hard drives of our societies’ operating
systems and now must be de-bugged, replacing GDP growth with the more
systemic view of human development expressed in the SDGs!
Let’s release ourselves from the dominance of money and the price system
which holds back our global SDG model and the global green transition
beyond fossilized industrialized production, since market prices are always
history and a reflection of human ignorance and our financial markets have
become global casinos. Steering by GDP and economists’ statistics is like
flying over a country at 60,000 feet, with little idea of what is actually
happening on the ground in what they call “flyover country“!
Whenever creative new social and collective actions are proposed to clean
up our environment and include everyone in our common future implementing
the SDGs, always challenge any economist or politician who asks, “Where’s
the money coming from?” This is a false model, or they are simple
ignorant! Money is just one form of information we create in various
currencies including cryptos, which are actually information-based social
protocols resting on various electronic and social platforms and traded on
forex exchanges, whose prices rise and fall based on network effects of how
many people trust and use them.
This is the 21st century Information Age and we all live in “Mediocracies
and their Attention Economies”
<http://www.ethicalmarkets.com/mediocracies-and-their-attention-economies/>,
while we are learning the politics of money-creation. We can create our
own local currencies and learn how central banks operate and how our money
is printed and credit allocated to control peoples’ incentives and behavior!
Data is not only the new “oil” but actually the rocket fuel
driving our societies, feeding our computers, training them and our
algorithms with human personal information (bias in-bias out is the new
watchword!). We need new rules embodying the Golden Rule for our social
media, which can no longer be allowed to be driven by money, greed and the
7 Deadly Sins! When we awake to these new realities, we have all the
technological tools and can honor our social skills which created the SDGs
guide to a sustainable, equitable and knowledge-richer common future for
all. I discovered all this as an environmental and social activist and
wrote about it in 1978 in “Creating Alternative Futures: The End of
Economics“
<http://4a5qvh23tbek30e0mg42uq87.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/wp-content/uploads/…>,
an underground best-seller of that time and now a free download at
www.ethicalmarkets.com, with all our other research in our Green Transition
Scoreboard ® reports and TV series “Transforming Finance”. Let’s all
choose to evolve toward the SDGs and the emerging Solar Age.
--
P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net
Connect: http://p2pfoundation.ning.com; Discuss:
http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation
Updates: http://del.icio.us/mbauwens; http://friendfeed.com/mbauwens;
http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens
1
0
---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Great Transition Network <gtnetwork(a)greattransition.org>
Date: Thu, Sep 26, 2019 at 4:04 AM
Subject: Farewell to the WSF? (GTN Discussions)
To: <michelsub2004(a)gmail.com>
>From Candido Grzybowski [candido(a)ibase.br]
----------------------------------------------------------
[EDITOR'S NOTE: The discussion will be ending one week from today --
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 2. I look forward to your comments! -- JC]
I have been involved in the World Social Forum (WSF) process since the
beginning of 2000, when representatives of eight Brazilian social
organizations and movements—later called the Organizing Committee—met to
launch the first in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in late January 2001. As the
director of Ibase, created in the early 1980s by exiles returning to Brazil
after being granted political amnesty, I represented the organization on
the committee.
My relation to the WSF has two phases: (a) deep engagement from 2000 to
2010 and (b) a critical position with gradual withdrawal after that. I draw
from this experience in this contribution to the timely debate that the GTN
provides and that Roberto Savio, a personal friend, provokes. [1]
The WSF was conceived as an open space that would be a kind of battery
recharger of active citizenship, now necessarily of planetary dimension
because of the need to resolve contradictions of capitalism at a global
scale. The WSF has undoubtedly made a fundamental contribution to the
emergence of a worldwide citizen culture, and continues today propelled by
civil society organizations, social movements, and networks from different
parts of the world. In its early years, it helped build collective
political intelligence about the problems, challenges, and possibilities of
the struggles we waged, each in our own way across the Planet. It
underscored our interdependence as we share the same world and the same
challenge to make it another world. For our great diversity of identities
and cultures, our plurality of views and perspectives, the WSF offered us
an open space—a kind of factory for a new political culture—for us to
recognize ourselves as humanity and part of the same and unique shared
planetary system.
The world's cultural, political, and economic context has changed greatly
between 2001 and now. The multiple recent crises are expressions of the
contradictions and limits to which globalized capitalism submits humanity
and the sustainability of life on the planet. “Another possible world”
remains an urgent need. However, as I have argued in the past, we need to
think beyond the WSF, while still allowing the WSF to continue the
inspiring task for which it was founded. WSF meetings nourished the dream
and hope for many around the world and should continue to do so with the
younger generations of today.
*The WSF as inspiration and as limit*
The most obvious contribution of the WSF was as a galvanizing force that
opposed Davos and asserted that "another world is possible." It did this by
appealing to the capacity for transformative action of the multiple and
diverse collective subjects, organized into resisting entities, movements,
networks, coalitions, and alliances to formulate concrete proposals and
fight for their realization. This potential was latent, but the WSF brought
it forth by inviting shared reflection on experiences and knowledge that
develops in diverse practices, while opening possibilities to strengthen
the power of one's own action in each context. The WSF created the
foundations of a new political culture of transformation precisely by
establishing horizontal planetary dialogue as an imperative, without
antagonism, racism, or patriarchalism, dialogue within and between
collective subjects, each recognizing each other as equal subjects.
The WSF did not invent this new political culture, but it was a great
propeller and inducer of it. Due to its open space for diversity and
plurality—as defined in the Charter of Principles—the WSF has become a
reference point for meetings and exchanges, without hierarchies or
priorities. The encounters and debates it engendered, along with its
political pluralitsm, made it a reference point for a new planetary
political culture.
It must be acknowledged that this now political culture was just emerging.
We all brought our mental structures, values, and practices, with all their
contradictions, starting with the simplest: we confuse diversity with each
one doing what they wanted, making collaboration and synthesis difficult,
when such collaboration and synthesis is the raison d'être of the WSF
space. In fact, we were deluded about the size of the task ahead with our
way of thinking and acting freighted by conceptual and political tendencies
that undermined unity. Not least, despite the massive presence of feminist
organizations and movements, tenacious machismo did not give women proper
relevance in dialogues and exchanges. Also, while language and cultural
diversity are heritages to preserve, we could not cope with the problem of
translation, despite the information and communication technologies
available to us.
Despite these problems, a great legacy of the WSF was the rescue and
appreciation of politics as the quintessential arena for building another
world, and citizen action as the necessary transformational force. In a
capitalist world increasingly dominated by large, increasingly privatized,
increasingly commodified, more cynical and violent business public and
politics, the WSF highlighted core ethical principles and values for
thinking about nature, life, the economy, and power.
In summary, I consider three WSF strengths as inspiration: 1) rekindling
hope and and renewing a sense of history as human production, not
metaphysical determination; 2) questioning the determinist assumptions and
antagonisms typical of leftist culture; and 3) valuing the energy of the
diversity of collective subjects. But here come the limits. The WSF's open
space centered on its gatherings, a process of events limited to building
consciousness and will for action, but not in fact acting for another
world. It was just a step, a fundamental beginning, a door opening, a
necessary but insufficient condition of forging the new. For transformative
forces to emerge, in my view, we need to take a path beyond the WSF to new
forms of collective action. The challenges were glimpsed and echoed at the
WSF, but confronting them requires new political and cultural creativity.
Therein lies the dilemma: as a space, the WSF has proven indispensable. But
because of the Forum itself, I felt pushed to initiatives beyond it, to
initiatives from the local to the global level, building the necessary
articulations.
*Elements for an agenda beyond WSF *
Repoliticizing the relationship between the biosphere, power, culture, and
the economy and acting from a planetary and cosmopolitan perspective is the
starting point. As I pointed out above, the WSF has reframed politics and
power, giving them centrality as opposed to market relations and the
economy. In this sense, it pointed to the power of active citizenship. It
did not elaborate and did not, as such, define the fighting agenda or
agendas. The agendas of each individual movement, network, coalition, and
alliance were debated and often updated at WSF events, but the
responsibility for carrying them out rested with the one who adopts them
and cannot be imposed on all Forum participants. The issue of the political
agenda was the crucial point for each participant, as an expression of
their rights and responsibilities as humans and citizens. It is in this
sense that I thought and still think it is a duty of Forum participants to
prioritize the political agenda before and after events. The “beyond the
WSF” I refer to embodies this sense of intervention which takes inspiration
from the WSF only as a moment of reflection and exchange. My priority was
and is to move forward on action agendas, seeking partnerships and
alliances that better address the different situations and contexts in
which I live.
Today, I think that the central issue for confronting capitalism is the
search for alternatives to the “crisis of civilization” rooted in colonial,
racist, patriarchal, Eurocentric, and imperialist rule over peoples and
nature, and the industrial growth, productivism, and consumerism due to
unbridled accumulation. Environmental destruction and social injustice are
intrinsic conditions of capitalism, exacerbated today by globalization at
the service of the great economic and financial conglomerates under the
imperialist militarized guard. The fracturing of the social fabric and the
breaking of the resilience of the biosphere and the common basis for life
itself is reaching irreversibility. To make all life sustainable, it is
essential to tackle injustice on its two sides, both social and
environmental: eco-social injustice. It is no longer possible to limit
oneself to changing social relations of production, heretofore the dominant
ideal of the left. The ideal of industrial society— its productivism and
limitless accumulation, the goods and services it provides, and the style
of consumption and life it generates—is part of the eco-social injustice
that we must confront. The idea of resistance to the commodification of
everything, the commons and life itself, was always well-represented in the
WSF. But this is only part of the story. The whole vision of human
civilization and its relationship to nature needs to be reimagined, from
local to world, reflecting the possibilities and limits of the biosphere
and the cultural, scientific, and technical creativity of each people, in a
spirit of interdependence and planetary solidarity, resilience, and
sustainability.
Accordingly, a key element of the new political culture and social
transformation agenda is to decolonize and liberate our ways of thinking
and acting. In the context of the “crisis of civilization,” we need to
advance a deep shift in power and economic institutions. What condemns many
to poverty, exclusion, and multiple forms of inequality and domination is
not a lack of development, but development itself. Development constantly
reinvents racism, patriarchalism, xenophobia, and intolerance of social and
cultural diversity to dominate and exclude. Today, it is visible in the
territorialization of racism, the fissures between city and countryside and
between agribusiness and social forms of production, and the relations
between peoples and nations. Old patriarchalism is renewed and naturalized
by capitalism, which devalues, but benefits from, an economy of care,
imposing a double workday on women. Publicizing and politicizing this
agenda that emerges from women's struggles is a task of citizenship as a
whole, from local to global.
It is essential to think about the necessary process of cumulative
disruptions. The question that arises is political and ethical at the same
time as the legitimacy of the struggle for change challenges institutional
legality and continuity. The institutional framework that confines us to
nation-states proves to be a necessary but extremely limited arena for the
struggle for "another possible world" or, as I prefer today, "another
possible civilization." We are faced with the unavoidable need to oppose
citizenship and peoples' sovereignty to national states and their monopoly
in the world sphere of power. This implies taking on the existing legal
framework that denies equal rights and destroy the natural foundations of
life. This is fundamental: citizenship is not a gift of states, but a
political condition of being part of humanity. Therefore, the agenda of
rethinking and refounding the state necessarily arises as a political
expression of the power that equal and diverse “citizenships” confer on it.
One more essential element of the agenda: the new architecture of power.
Interdependence between peoples and nations in today's globalized
capitalism is undoubtedly a major problem created by the imperialist
domination of developed countries, particularly the United States. But this
interdependence carries a contradiction that offers a huge possibility for
the future. The WSF itself, as a space for an emerging planetary
citizenship, would not have been possible were it not for the diffuse
awareness that we are part of the same humanity and share the same planet.
Interdependence, however, cannot be theorized and practiced without a
concrete location, where we have the essentials of our lives and
relationships with others and make our exchanges with the biosphere. The
burning questions become: How can we rethink this fundamental place, in
terms of power, culture, and economy, from a planetary citizen perspective?
And how can we rethink world power from a perspective of territorialized
citizenship?
*A possible way of acting beyond the WSF *
Here I want to draw attention to the fundamental need to re-organize our
forces in order to propel the citizen agenda of building another
civilization. Again, the WSF serves as an inspiration, but it lacks the
capacity to undertake the difficult and continuing task of organizing the
collective subjects of citizenship, assessing political opportunities, and
waging the struggle. It is only in acting that one does the action (it is
by walking that one does the path), but the process begins by agreeing on a
broad agenda. This already points beyond the WSF to the plurality of
citizenship as a possible historical block for constituting and instituting
planetary citizenship of another world. The tricky question is how to build
coalitions of collective subjects with a maximum common denominator (to
counteract the lowest common denominator of certain generic and empty
statements) for the agenda and basis for political action. I speak here of
inter-movement coalitions and active citizenship organizations. The
relative success of existing thematic campaigns and networks of collective
construction of strategic thinking, such as the GTN, is a point of
departure. However, we need differentiated and coordinated actions of a
militant citizenship contesting existing structures and powers in the most
diverse situations. We lack, but need, effective intra-movements networks
and organizations, linking the local with the world embracing strategic
vision of the whole political task. This requires patient work of building
what potentially will be the new collective political subjects, necessarily
plural and diverse, with their own identities and proposals, from local to
global, articulating themselves to have the power to transform the world.
The crucial issue of action is the political and cultural construction of
counter-hegemonies in concrete local societies and at various levels of
political influence, up to world power structures. How can we do this
without factionalism, as is the tradition of the left? The secret, it seems
to me, lies in building open coalitions, which start by recognizing others
as indispensable, and which depends on honoring and implementing their
agenda. In this way, active consensus can be generated, which is
fundamental in the struggle for a new hegemony. It is crucial to recognize
that, for citizenship, the public space for debate and free circulation of
ideas is always the priority. Communication and public campaigns are thus a
priority arena for the necessary course of action.
Cândido Grzybowski
[1] For more reflections on this issue, see my text, presented at the
10-year Thematic World Social Forum event in Porto Alegre, entitled “Beyond
the World Social Forum (
http://www.ipsnews.net/2010/01/beyond-the-world-social-forum/ ). This was
also the moment when I was most deeply engaged in new initiatives, for
example, the conference at Ibase on new paradigms in 2012, for which I
wrote “Foundations for Biocivilization” (
http://www2.world-governance.org/article796.html ).
*******************************************************************************************
>From Roberto Savio [utopia(a)robertosavio.info]
------------------------------
[Per Paul's email, reproduced below, we are kicking off this month's
discussion with a response from longtime member of the WSF International
Concil Roberto Savio. We look forward to your contributions. -- JC]
Farewell to the World Social Forum?
Roberto Savio
Opening reflections for a GTN forum, 9/3/19
LOOKING BACK
The first World Social Forum in 2001 ushered in the new century with a bold
affirmation: “Another world is possible.” That gathering in Porto Alegre,
Brazil, stood as an alternative and a challenge to the World Economic
Forum, held at the same time an ocean away in the snowy Alps of Davos,
Switzerland. A venue for power elites to set the course of world
development, the WEF was then, and remains now, the symbol for global
finance, unchecked capitalism, and the control of politics by multinational
corporations.
The WSF, by contrast, was created as an arena for the grassroots to gain a
voice. The idea emerged from a 1999 visit to Paris by two Brazilian
activists, Oded Grajew, who was working on corporate social responsibility,
and Chico Whitaker, the executive secretary of the Commission of Justice
and Peace, an initiative of the Brazilian Catholic Church. Incensed by the
ubiquitous, uncritical news coverage of Davos, they met with Bernard
Cassen, editor of Le Monde Diplomatique, who encouraged them to organize a
counter-Davos in the Global South. With support from the government of Rio
Grande do Sul, a committee of eight Brazilian organizations launched the
first WSF. The expectation was that about 3,000 people attend (the same as
Davos), but instead 20,000 activists from around the world came to Porto
Alegre to organize and share their visions for six days.
WSF annual meetings enjoyed great success, invariably drawing close to
100,000 participants (even as high as 150,000 in 2005). Eventually, the
meetings moved out of Latin America, first to Mumbai in 2004, where 20,000
Dalits participated, then to Caracas, Nairobi, Dakar, Tunis, and Montreal.
Along the way, two other streams—Regional Social Forums and Thematic Social
Forums—were created to complement the annual central gathering, and local
Forums were held in many countries. Cumulatively, the WSF has brought
together millions of people willing to pay their travel and lodging costs
to share their experiences and collective dreams for a better world.
WSF’s Charter of Principles, drafted by the organizing committee of the
first Forum and adopted at the event itself, reflected these dreams. The
Charter presents a vision of deeply interconnected civil society groups
collaborating to create new alternatives to neoliberal capitalism rooted in
“human rights, the practices of real democracy, participatory democracy,
peaceful relations, in equality and solidarity, among people, ethnicities,
genders and peoples.”
Yet, the “how” of realizing any vision was hamstrung from the start. The
Charter’s first principle describes the WSF as an “open meeting place,”
which, as interpreted by the Brazilian founders, precluded it from taking
stances on pressing world crises. This resistance to collective political
action relegated the WSF to a self-referential place of debate, rather than
a body capable of taking real action in the international arena.
It didn’t have to be this way. Indeed, the 2002 European Social Forum
called for mass protest against the looming US invasion of Iraq, and the
subsequent 2003 Forum played a major role in organizing the day of action
the following month with 15 million protesters in the streets of 800 cities
on all continents—the largest demonstration in history at the time.
However, the WSF’s core organizers, who were not interested in this path,
held sway, a phenomenon inextricable from the democratic deficit that has
always dogged the Forum.
Indeed, the WSF has never had a democratically elected leadership. After
the first gathering, the Brazilian host committee convened a meeting in Sao
Paolo to discuss how best to carry the WSF forward. They invited numerous
international organizations, and on the second day of the meeting appointed
us all as the International Council. Several important organizations, not
interested in this meeting, were left off the council, and those who did
attend were predominately from Europe and the Americas. In the ensuing
years, efforts to change the composition created as many problems as they
solved. Many organizations wanted to be represented on the Council, but due
to vague criteria for evaluating their representativeness and strength, the
Council soon became a long list of names (most inactive), with the roster
of participants changing with every Council meeting. Despite repeated
requests from participating organizations, the Brazilian founders have
refused to revisit the Charter, defending it as an immutable text rather
than a document of a particular historical moment.
AT A CROSSROADS
The future of the WSF remains uncertain. Out of a misguided fear of
division, the Brazilian founders have thwarted efforts to allow the WSF to
issue political declarations, establish spokespeople, and reevaluate the
principle of horizontality, which eschews representative decision-making
structures, as the basis for governance. Perhaps most significantly, they
have resisted calls to transcend the WSF’s original mission as a venue for
discussion and become a space for organizing. With WSF spokespeople
forbidden, the media stopped coming, since they had no interlocutors. Even
broad declarations that would not cause schism, like condemnation of wars
or appeals for climate action, have been prohibited. As a result, the WSF
has become akin to a personal growth retreat where participants come away
with renewed individual strength, but without any impact on the world.
Because of its inability to adapt, and thereby act, the WSF has lost an
opportunity to influence how the public understands the crises the world
faces, a vacuum that has been filled by the resurgent right-wing. In 2001,
globalization’s critics emerged mainly on the left, pointing out how
market-driven globalization runs roughshod over workers and the
environment. Since then, as the WSF has floundered and social democratic
parties have bought into the governing neoliberal consensus, the right has
managed to capitalize on the broad and growing hostility to globalization,
rooted especially in the feeling of being left behind experienced by
working-class people. Prior to the US financial crisis of 2008 and the
European sovereign bond crisis of 2009, the National Front in France was
the only established right-wing party in the West. Since then, with a
decade of economic chaos and brutal austerity, right-wing parties have
blossomed everywhere.
The unsettling rise of the anti-globalization right has scrambled many
political assumptions and alliances. At the start of the WSF, our enemies
were the international financial institutions, such as the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Now, these institutions support reducing
income inequality and increasing public investment. The World Trade
Organization, the infamous target of massive protests in 1999, was our
enemy as well, for skewing the rules of global trade toward multinational
corporations; now, US president Donald Trump is trying to dismantle it for
having any rules at all. We criticized the European Commission for its free
market commitment, and lack of social action: now we have to defend the
idea of a United Europe against nationalism, xenophobia, and populism.
These forces have upended and transformed global political dynamics. Those
fighting globalization and multilateralism, using our diagnosis, are now
the right-wing forces.
LOOKING AHEAD
Is there, then, a future for the World Social Forum? Logistically, the
outlook is not good. Right-wing Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro, an ally
of authoritarian strongmen around the world, has announced that he will
forbid any support for the Forum, putting its future at grave risk. Holding
a forum of such size requires significant financial support, and a
government at least willing to grant visas to participants from across the
globe. The vibrant Brazilian civil society groups of 2001 are now
struggling for survival.
Indeed, right-wing governments around the world attack global civil society
as a competitor or an enemy. In Italy, Interior Minister Matteo Salvini has
been pushing to eliminate the tax status of nonprofits. Like Salvini in
Italy, Trump in the US, Viktor Orban in Hungary, Narendra Modi in India,
and Shinzo Abe in Japan, among others, are unwilling to hear the voice of
civil society. Their escalating assault on civil society might spell the
formal end of the World Social Forum, although the WSF’s refusal to evolve
with the times left the organization vulnerable to such assaults.
If the World Social Forum does fade away as an actor on the global stage,
we can take many valuable lessons from its history as we mount new
initiatives for a “movement of movements.” First, we need to support civil
society unity. Boaventura de Sousa Santos, the Portuguese anthropologist
and a leading participant in the WSF, stresses the importance of
“translation” between movement streams. Women’s organizations focus on
patriarchy, indigenous organizations on colonial exploitation, human rights
organizations on justice, and environmental organizations on
sustainability. Building mutual understanding, trust, and a basis for
collective work requires a process of translation and interpretation of
different priorities, embedding them in a holistic framework.
Any initiative to build transnational movement coordination must address
this challenge. While it is easier to build a mass action against a common
enemy, nurturing a common movement culture requires a process of sustained
dialogue. The WSF was instrumental in creating awareness of the need for a
holistic approach to fight, under the same rubric, climate change,
unchecked finance, social injustice, and ecological degradation. Building
on that experience with how the issues intersect is critical to a viable
global movement. The WSF has made possible alliances among the social
movements, which got their legitimacy by fighting the system, and the
myriad NGOs, which got theirs from the agenda of the United Nations. This
is certainly a significant historical contribution, enabling the next phase
in the evolution of global civil society.
Second, we need to balance movement horizontalism and organizational
structure. For the vast majority of participants in cutting-edge
progressive movements over the past half-century, the notion of a political
party, or any such organization, has been linked to oppressive power,
corruption, and lack of legitimacy. This suspicion of organization,
reflected in the core ideology of the WSF, has contributed to its lack of
action.
This tendency to reject verticality out of fear of its association with
oppression poses a major challenge to the formation of a global movement:
those who would be, in principle, its largest constituency will question
overarching organizational structures. Based on historical experience, they
fear the generation of unhealthy structures of power, the corruption of
ideals, and the lack of real participation. Nevertheless, coordination is
essential for a diverse global movement to develop sufficient coherence.
The task is to find legitimate forms of collective organization that
balance the tension between the commitments to both unity and pluralism.
Third, a global movement effort must navigate a new media landscape. The
Internet has changed the character of political participation. Space has
shrunk, and time has become fluid and compressed. Social media has become
more important than conventional media. Indeed, it was essential, for
example, to the election of Bolsonaro in Brazil and Salvini in Italy, as
well as Brexit in the UK. US newspapers have a daily run of 62 million
copies (ten million from quality papers like the Wall Street Journal, New
York Times, and Washington Post), while Trump tweets to as many followers.
Contemporary communications technology, while used to sow confusion and
abuse by the right, must be central to transnational mobilization campaigns
fostering awareness and solidarity.
Political apathy among potential allies remains as great a challenge as the
right-wing surge. This is not a new phenomenon. The triumphant
pronouncements of the end of ideology and history three decades ago helped
mute explicit debate on the long-term vision for society. Instead, the
technocrats of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the US
Treasury foisted the Washington Consensus on the rest of the world:
financial deregulation, trade liberalization, privatization, and fiscal
austerity. The benefits of globalization would lift all boats; curb
nonproductive social costs; privatize health and more; and globalize trade,
finance, and industry. Center-left parties across the West resigned
themselves to this brave new world. “Third Way” leaders like British Prime
Minister Tony Blair argued that since corporate globalization was
inevitable, progressives could, at best, give it a human face. In the
absence of a real alternative to the dominant paradigm, the left lost its
constituency. The wreckage left behind by neoliberal governments has become
the engine for the populist and xenophobic forces from across the globe.
Looking ahead, to build a viable political formation for a Great
Transition, we must find a banner under which people can rally. Climate
action has increasingly served this function, with the youthfulness of the
climate movement a reason for hope. The climate strike movement, led by
Swedish student Greta Thunberg, has engaged tens of thousands of students
worldwide and shown that the fight for a better world is on. These new
young activists, many of whom have probably never heard of the WSF, do not
pretend to come with a pre-made platform; they simply ask the system to
listen to scientists. The lack of a full vision allows them to avoid many
of the WSF’s problems, yet still underscore how the system has exhausted
its viability in the face of spiraling crises.
Millions of people across the globe are engaged at the grassroots level,
hundreds of times more than related to the WSF. The great challenge is to
connect with those working to change the present dire trends, making clear
that we are not part of the same elite structures and, indeed, share the
same enemy. The historic preconditions undergird the possibility of such a
project, our visions of another world give it a direction, and the growing
restlessness of countless ordinary people is a hopeful harbinger.
Can we find the modes of communication and alliance to galvanize the global
movement and propel it forward? I do not see much value in a coalition of
organizations and militants who meet merely to discuss among themselves.
Collective action is necessary for counterbalancing the decline of
democracy, increasing civic participation, and keeping values and visions
at the forefront. In the WSF, the debate about moving in this direction has
been going for quite some time, but has repeatedly run up against the
intransigence of the founders.
It would be a mistake to lose the WSF’s impressive history and convening
authority. But we need to recreate it in order to reflect the present
barbarized. Will we be able to reform WSF, and if this is not possible,
create an alternative? Citizens have become more aware of the need for
change than they were when we first met in Porto Alegre many years ago. But
they are also more divided, some taking the reactionary path of following
authoritarian leaders, some the progressive path of social justice,
participation, transparency, and cooperation. As the conventional system
destabilizes and loses legitimacy, giving life to a revamped WSF—or
creating a new platform—might be easier than the challenge of launching the
process eighteen years ago. Still, realizing the next phase will take new
leaders, wide participation, and recognition of the need for new
structures. In these times, this is a tall order.
*********************************************************************
Tuesday, September 3, 2019
>From Paul Raskin [praskin(a)tellus.org]
________________________________________
Dear GTN,
Since 2001, the World Social Forum has served as civil society’s answer to
the World Economic Forum, the annual powwow in Davos of the masters of the
neoliberal universe. Over the years, the WSF has brought together hundreds
of thousands of activists to meet, network, and reenergize commitments. It
has stood as a tangible expression of the diffuse but vibrant “alter
globalization” community, and a source of hope for the emergence of a
systemic global movement.
At the same time, the WSF has mirrored the movement’s immaturity. Most
significantly, the disabling fragmentation within civil society has been
reflected in the forest of separate tents that spring up at Forums, each
devoted to specific issues and grievances, with little exploration of
common visions, positions, and coordination mechanisms. More prosaically,
the logistical chaos that has plagued Forums and frustrated attendees
symbolizes the underdeveloped organizational capacity of the “movement of
movements.”
Now, as these deficits take their toll and the times change, the WSF seems
to be losing momentum and relevance. So it’s timely to critically reflect
on its achievements and whether the WSF, itself, needs a Great Transition.
Our September GTN Discussion—FAREWELL TO THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUM?—takes up
the challenge.
(Please organize your comments as responses to one or more of the following
topics.)
* Looking Back*
What has been the historic significance of the WSF? In what ways has its
strategy of providing a neutral gathering space advanced (or curtailed) the
“movement of movements”?
* At a Crossroads*
Does the WSF retain its vitality as a beacon of “another world,” or is it
losing momentum? Has its unbending commitment to radical pluralism
sacrificed movement unity?
* Looking Ahead*
Should the WSF continue to operate as an open space? Seek to reinvent
itself as a collective force for political action? Or should attention
shift to fresh initiatives for building a coherent global movement?
Roberto Savio, founder of Inter Press Service (IPS) and longtime member of
the WSF International Council, opens the debate. His essay can be found here
<https://greattransition.org/images/Savio-Farewell-WSF.pdf> . I look
forward to your comments, whether brief or extended (but less than 1,200
words).
The discussion will go through Wednesday, October 2, when Roberto will have
an opportunity to respond. Per usual, we will then create a public GTI
Forum that samples a range of perspectives raised in the internal GTN
discussion.
Over to you,
Paul
----------------------------------------------------------
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