July 2015 - P2P-Foundation - lists.ourproject.org

Re: [P2P-F] Fwd: [tapas] Varoufakis @ Guardian
by Dante-Gabryell Monson 21 Jul '15

21 Jul '15

A few years ago, one could already get the feeling of a will to further concentrate power in the hands of a centralized set of European Institutions , bypassing any ( even indirect ) democratic processes , for example by enabling some institutions such as the European Commission to finance itself directly ( without the need to depend on the member countries ) via a tax on financial transactions. Today it feels even more obvious that such will is manifesting itself , using the Greek situation to justify the creation of such centralization of power. Furthermore, interesting to realize that our last comments seem to be spot on. Excerpted from Varoufakis : http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2015/07/21/europes-vindictive-privatization-plan-… *" ATHENS – On July 12, the summit of eurozone leaders dictated its terms of surrender to Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, who, terrified by the alternatives, accepted all of them. One of those terms concerned the disposition of Greece’s remaining public assets.* *Eurozone leaders demanded that Greek public assets be transferred to a Treuhand-like fund – a fire-sale vehicle similar to the one used after the fall of the Berlin Wall to privatize quickly, at great financial loss, and with devastating effects on employment all of the vanishing East German state’s public property. "* On Sat, Jul 11, 2015 at 2:37 PM, Dante-Gabryell Monson < dante.monson(a)gmail.com> wrote: > yes. first make the greeks pay for risks taken by german and french ( > and other western ) banks by lending them money, not to circulate in the > greek economy, but directly to pay off the banks > > ( 1 note that the cypriot approahc taken by the EU was also interesting : > Siphoning bank accounts, especially those of russians having accounts > there, to pay for such kind of debt ) > > ( 2 with at some point 17,5 percent compound interest on grek debt, > equivalent to a doubling of the debt every three and a half / 3,5 years ) > > then use this money , after it has been almost paid off, and after that a > grexit crisis has been created, and that the new curency is devaluated, and > the greek economy further in chambles, > > to then buy and privatise for pennies the rest of the greek economy, > enabling a transfer of property, > > and further reducing any sovereignty > > On Sat, Jul 11, 2015 at 2:27 PM, Fabio Barone <holon.earth(a)gmail.com> > wrote: > >> And that's what it seems to be to me: a shopping tour! >> >> The creditors just got scared when suddenly the game which the IMF always >> plays - give money and ask for reforms which includes privatizing >> practically everything - looked as if it wouldn't work this time, as the >> Greek sovereign decided they wouldn't play this time. >> >> But with these later developments seems like it will all play out for >> them anyway. >> >> 2015-07-11 5:28 GMT-05:00 Dante-Gabryell Monson <dante.monson(a)gmail.com>: >> >>> Yes. I suggest looking into the dynamics after the fall of the wall, >>> and how western germany, and its corporations, pushed viable eastern >>> german companies to bankruptcy, and bought over what they could for a >>> fraction of their worth. >>> >>> On Sat, Jul 11, 2015 at 6:13 AM, Michel Bauwens < >>> michel(a)p2pfoundation.net> wrote: >>> >>>> >>>> ---------- Forwarded message ---------- >>>> From: Michel Bauwens <michel(a)p2pfoundation.net> >>>> Date: Sat, Jul 11, 2015 at 11:12 AM >>>> Subject: Re: [tapas] Varoufakis @ Guardian >>>> To: "tapas(a)lists.p2pfoundation.net" <tapas(a)lists.p2pfoundation.net> >>>> >>>> >>>> 2 things are revealing in this testament, >>>> >>>> one, the realistic assessment that it was never about repayment, but >>>> about disciplining >>>> >>>> but second , and this is worse, Varoufakis mentions iraq, of all >>>> places, as an example of a return to monetary sovereignty .. and not >>>> argentina, iceland or the dozen positive historical examples mentioned by >>>> ellen brown in her book, nor the current statistics showing european >>>> countries outside the eurozone do generally better than those within it .. >>>> >>>> for me what this reveals is a left version of TINA, and explains why >>>> Tsipras wants to give in so badly to the Troika blackmail, they do not see >>>> a alternative themselves and that is a terrible realisation ... >>>> >>>> The proposed accord is an absolutely terrible program for permanent >>>> enfeeblement of Greece, and as George P. suggested, for the planned >>>> destruction of the SME economy .. >>>> >>>> It brings home the possibility described in Kees van der Pijl's new >>>> book: The end of political compromise under capitalism .. >>>> >>>> Michel >>>> >>>> On Fri, Jul 10, 2015 at 4:01 AM, John <restakis(a)gmail.com> wrote: >>>> >>>>> indeed... >>>>> >>>>> On 15-07-10 1:37 PM, George Papanikolaou wrote: >>>>> >>>>>> >>>>>> http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jul/10/germany-greek-pain-deb… >>>>>> >>>>> >>>>> >>>>> >>>> >>>> >>>> -- >>>> Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: >>>> http://commonstransition.org >>>> >>>> P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - >>>> http://blog.p2pfoundation.net >>>> >>>> <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: >>>> http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens >>>> >>>> #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/ >>>> >>>> >>>> >>>> -- >>>> Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: >>>> http://commonstransition.org >>>> >>>> P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - >>>> http://blog.p2pfoundation.net >>>> >>>> <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: >>>> http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens >>>> >>>> #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/ >>>> >>>> >>>> >>>> _______________________________________________ >>>> P2P Foundation - Mailing list >>>> >>>> Blog - http://www.blog.p2pfoundation.net >>>> Wiki - http://www.p2pfoundation.net >>>> >>>> Show some love and help us maintain and update our knowledge commons by >>>> making a donation. Thank you for your support. >>>> https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/donation >>>> >>>> https://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation >>>> >>>> >>> >>> >>> >>> _______________________________________________ >>> P2P Foundation - Mailing list >>> >>> Blog - http://www.blog.p2pfoundation.net >>> Wiki - http://www.p2pfoundation.net >>> >>> Show some love and help us maintain and update our knowledge commons by >>> making a donation. Thank you for your support. >>> https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/donation >>> >>> https://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation >>> >>> >> >

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{Filename?} Fwd: Grexit or Jubilee? How Greek Debt Can Be Annulled
by Michel Bauwens 21 Jul '15

21 Jul '15

Warning: This message has had one or more attachments removed Warning: (Trcm4xM6H1GLFf.png). Warning: Please read the "ourproject-Attachment-Warning.txt" attachment(s) for more information. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Timothy Wilken, MD <timothy.wilken(a)gmail.com> Date: Fri, Jul 17, 2015 at 9:23 PM Subject: Grexit or Jubilee? How Greek Debt Can Be Annulled To: *This is my friend Ellen's latest article. Very interesting, especially the two quotes at the bottom of the excerpt. --Timothy* Posted on July 14, 2015 by Ellen Brown *The crushing Greek debt could be canceled the way it was made – by sleight of hand. But saving the Greek people and their economy is evidently not in the game plan of the Eurocrats.* Greece’s creditors have finally brought the country to its knees, forcing President Alexis Tsipras to agree to austerity and privatization measures more severe than those overwhelmingly rejected by popular vote a week earlier. No write-down of Greece’s debt was included in the deal, although the IMF has warned <http://www.theguardian.com/business/2015/jul/14/imf-report-greece-needs-mor…> that the current debt is unsustainable. Former Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis calls the deal <http://www.zerohedge.com/news/2015-07-14/varoufakis-greek-deal-coup-turns-g…> “a new Versailles Treaty” and “the politics of humiliation.” Greek defense minister Panos Kammenos calls it <http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-33517252> a “coup d’état” done by “blackmailing the Greek prime minister with collapse of the banks and a complete haircut on deposits.” “Blackmail” is not too strong a word. The European Central Bank has turned off its liquidity tap for Greece’s banks, something all banks need, as explained earlier here <http://ellenbrown.com/2015/07/09/guerrilla-warfare-against-a-hegemonic-powe…>. All banks are technically insolvent, lending money they don’t have. They don’t lend their deposits but create deposits when they make loans, as the Bank of England recently confirmed <http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/Documents/quarterlybulletin/201…>. When the depositors and borrowers come for their money at the same time, the bank must borrow from other banks; and if that liquidity runs dry, the bank turns to the central bank, the lender of last resort empowered to create money at will. Without the central bank’s backstop, banks must steal from their depositors with “haircuts” or they will collapse. What did Greece do to deserve this coup d’état? According to former World Bank economist Peter Koenig <http://www.globalresearch.ca/greece-risk-of-false-flagging-greece-into-subm…> : [T]he Greek people, the citizens of a sovereign country . . . have had the audacity to democratically elect a socialist government. Now they have to suffer. They do not conform to the self-imposed rules of the neoliberal empire of unrestricted globalized privatization of public services and public properties from which the elite is maximizing profits – for themselves, of course. It is outright theft of public property. According to a July 5th article titled “Greece – The One Biggest Lie You’re Being Told By The Media <http://www.globalresearch.ca/greece-the-one-biggest-lie-you-are-being-told-…>,” the country did not fail on its own. It was made to fail: [T]he banks wrecked the Greek government, and then deliberately pushed it into unsustainable debt . . . while revenue-generating public assets were sold off to oligarchs and international corporations. *Read the full Article ... <http://ellenbrown.com/2015/07/14/grexit-or-jubilee-how-greek-debt-could-be-…>* A picture is worth a 1000 words ... [image: Inline image 1] -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

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Re: [P2P-F] [NetworkedLabour] Gindin and Panitch (from Athens): A Real Plan B
by Michel Bauwens 21 Jul '15

21 Jul '15

I think you summarize well your understanding of the commons Francine, Michel On Tue, Jul 21, 2015 at 4:52 AM, Francine Mestrum <mestrum(a)skynet.be> wrote: > I have only one question Orsan, > > > > Is ‘commons, people’s kitchens….’ a ‘real alternative to capitalism’? What > will Monsanto think of this??? > > > > Francine > > > > *Van:* NetworkedLabour [mailto:[email protected]] > *Namens *Orsan > *Verzonden:* 20 July 2015 22:34 > *Aan:* Theodoros Karyotis > *CC:* gina vargas; CRITICAL-LABOUR-STUDIES(a)jiscmail.ac.uk; > p2p-foundation; <networkedlabour(a)lists.contrast.org>; WSFDiscuss List > *Onderwerp:* Re: [NetworkedLabour] Gindin and Panitch (from Athens): A > Real Plan B > > > > If I was Panitch or Gindin, or any academic-mainly thinker-left person, > with good connections, I would ask them publicly... > > > > Since they didn't, can anyone from European Left or Syriza on the list > answer why have you not being using state power, media, and resources to > launch and lead a massive global campaign to foster commons, people's > kitchens, solidarity economies, peer production, real alternatives to > capitalism, that empowers people; if you really really needed to keep > strong popular support and help people concretely on their livelihoods. And > those who engaged with the project enthusiastically why not asked and push > for this? While we and you all came to knew that is was what nationalist > nazi greek capital has been doing for years? > > > > Don't have any other question! > > > > Orsan > > > On 20 jul. 2015, at 16:18, Theodoros Karyotis <tkaryotis(a)gmail.com> wrote: > > This is a terribly misguided article. It is just an attempt of the > traditional left to cling on to what it stands for, while wrapping it up in > a funky new vocabulary. > > > > For years I have been writing, in this list and in various articles, that > the project of Syriza has nothing to do with the commons or with overcoming > capitalism. On the contrary, it is a project of modernising and > rationalising capitalism in a country that "lags behind" the other european > countries in terms of opportunities for capital accumulation. I know that > this opinion has been very unpopular, and that we had to wait and see how > Syriza's plan plays out. But now we have enough data, so insisting on the > same mistakes cannot be justified. > > > > The idea that society, under the guidance of a 'progressive' Syriza > government can advance towards the plan C, is a dangerous fiction. > > Syriza is a governmental force that is now implementing an extreme > structural adjustment that will further compress the lower classes and will > attack the commons. > > Reluctantly, unwillingly? What difference does it make? The previous > governments also hammered us with arguments that this is for the country's > long-term benefit and that there is really no choice. Why should the same > arguments be true if they are now uttered by the left-wing? > > > > In my hometown we spend 4 years mobilising the people against the > privatisation of the water company. It was a hard and unequal fight, which > had a big personal cost for the people who waged it. We managed to freeze > the privatization process and oust -temporarily- transnational giant Suez > from our city. > > > > Syriza is now obliged under the terms of the new memorandum to restart the > privatization process. It has the judiciary to prosecute us, and the riot > police -which it never reformed despite electoral promises- to throw > teargas at us. > > > > What do you think our response should be? "Ok, dear Syriza govt, we know > that you really don't want to sell off our water, but its is better that it > is done by you rather than by those right-wingers." > > > > Oh come on people! Time to wake up from the dream! > > > > It cannot be overstated: By signing a new harsh memorandum and staying in > power to implement it, Syriza has passed to the other side. It is now the > enemy. > > It is a government that now subscribes to the TINA doctrine. Reluctantly? > Unwillingly? What difference does it make? > > > > Syriza, with its charismatic leader and its reserves of political capital, > has made possible an unprecedented attack on the people and the commons, > which would be impossible under the previous government, which was isolated > and fragile. It has made us believe that there is no other option, that > resistance is futile. > > > > And the idea that it can somehow pass "positive" laws to counter the > effects of the structural adjustment is preposterous. Signing this > agreement, Syriza gave up the capacity of the Greek government to > legislate. Laws will now again be written in Brussels or Berlin -same as it > has been in the past 5 years- and voted in be Greek MPs without even being > read. > > > > I have to reiterate that the commons movements should be radically > independent from the state and political parties. > > The state's function will always be to ensure growth, attract investment, > make the economy competitive, monetize everything. Otherwise it is a > "failed state". > > These goals are synonymous to austerity, compression of the forces of work > vis-a-vis capital, and an attack on the commons. > > And that is why the Plan B of a national productive reconstruction outside > the eurozone is not a real solution either. Because it does not challenge > the underlying assumptions of "return to growth" and the expansion of > production, consumption and credit. > > > > The only place the commons have in Syriza's plan is as a "safety net", a > method of social containment which will prevent social eruptions and will > give the government an inexpensive instrument to exercise social policy, > while at the same time dismantling the welfare state. This has already > started, with the instrumentalisation of the social solidarity clinics. > > > > The Plan C should have an antagonistic edge, it should aim at creating new > institutions and educate people for direct democracy and people's power. It > cannot be an accessory to a program of lukewarm reforms that only aim to > save capitalism from itself. > > > > And Syriza cheerleaders like Panitch should wake up to the new reality > that emerges after Syriza's unconditional surrender. > > > > > > > > > > > autonomias.net > twitter.com/TebeoTeo > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- > ...buscar y saber reconocer quién y qué, en medio del infierno, no es > infierno, y hacer que dure, y dejarle espacio... > > > > On 17 July 2015 at 12:04, peter waterman <peterwaterman1936(a)gmail.com> > wrote: > > > > [image: Socialist Project - home] <http://www.socialistproject.ca/> > *The B u l l e t* <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/> > > Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1145 > July 17, 2015 > > [image: Socialist Project - home] <http://www.socialistproject.ca/> > > > The Real Plan B: > The New Greek Marathon > Sam Gindin and Leo Panitch > > In the face of being excluded from desperately needed funds and the threat > of being kicked out of the European Union, the Greek parliament has now > voted to accept the Troika memorandum > <http://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2015/07/12-euro-summ…>. > The Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras acknowledged – unlike social > democrats *choosing* to implement neoliberalism as part of their > ‘modernization‘ – that this was ‘a bad deal’ forced on the Greeks. Syriza's > MPs were divided although three quarters of them followed Tsipras and voted > yes. Outside in Syntagma Square thousands of angry demonstrators gathered > and then marched through downtown Athens, this time the ‘NO’ being reserved > for rejecting the memorandum. There is a strong current of dissent in the > Syriza party Central Committee, which has yet to meet. Yet there is also a > general sense we get from party members and supporters at all levels we > have talked with here that the government should be supported and continue > in office. > > In the face of these divisions and frustrations, what if anything might be > done to revive and continue Syriza's struggle against neoliberalism? And > since neoliberalism is what capitalism *is* today – there is no other > kind – what can be done to lay the basis for ending capitalism? This is not > just a question for Greeks, though crucial aspects of this dilemma are of > course specific to Greece, but for how the left everywhere thinks about and > responds to the challenges of coming to power in a hostile environment to > try to protect people from the worst depredations of neoliberalism, and > tries to embark on ‘really-existing transitions’ to a more egalitarian, > solidaristic, substantively more democratic world. > > Sections of the Greek left and a good part of the international left have > argued that the deal should have been rejected, and Grexit embraced > instead. This opens up a number of scenarios but the most likely would be > the government resigning, calling new elections, and Syriza running on a > program that reversed its former support for staying in the eurozone. > Whether or not the party would win its credibility would, according to this > argument, be maintained and it would at least live to fight another day. > Exiting the Euro, Leaving the State > > We would not dismiss the above argument out of hand. It reflects > legitimate emotional sentiments and strategic orientations. Until recently, > however, three of four Greeks opposed Grexit, and even if this has shifted > dramatically with the referendum and its aftermath, there is no clear and > deep consensus on leaving. Tsipras and a good part of the leadership is, in > this regard, not simply ‘tailing’ the public but deeply committed to Europe > on both economic and cultural grounds. For those of us who have long argued > that eventual exit is essential, especially from a socialist perspective, > the challenge is not so much to condemn this but to ask: When is the right > moment to take this on? What practical steps, ideological and in terms of > state capacities, might be argued for now to move the party and its base > toward a consensus? > > As for counselling Syriza to risk losing its governing status, it needs to > be noted that Syriza already faced this question in the run up to the 2012 > elections, and concluded that the responsible decision was to enter the > state and do everything it could to restrain the neoliberal assault from > *within* the state. Its electoral breakthrough that year was based on > Tsipras's declaration that Syriza was not just campaigning to register a > higher percentage of the vote but determined to form a government with any > others who would join with it in stopping the economic torture while > remaining within Europe. It was only when it came close to winning on this > basis, that Syriza vaunted to the forefront of the international left's > attention, and by the following summer, Tsipras was chosen by the European > Left Parties to lead their campaign in the 2014 European Parliament > elections. Syriza's subsequent clear victory in Greece in this election > foretold its victory in the Greek national election of January 2015, when > it became the first and only one of all the European left parties to > challenge neoliberalism and win national office. > > Even apart from the humanitarian measures it immediately introduced > without allowing the Troika's representatives to vet the legislation, the > very attempt by the new government to challenge the Troika has helped > expose the neoliberal essence of the EU and to generate discussions on what > alternatives, however difficult to imagine, might be. It strikes us as > premature to conclude from the denouement to this five month challenge that > was finally reached this week, however sobering it has been, that it is > better for Syriza to leave the state to its bourgeois opponents. It seems > better to move beyond outrage and protest, let alone resignation, and > instead struggle with what kinds of changes remain possible in the state to > support the needs of the majority of Greek people who voted OXI in the > referendum and to contribute to the much-needed further development of > their already powerfully demonstrated capacities for solidarity and > innovation. Without this a productive path out of the eurozone, and perhaps > even the EU, to escape neoliberalism would be inconceivable. It is this, > not just surreptitiously making plans for a new currency, that properly > preparing for Grexit would really need to be about. > > Those advocating an exit from the euro acknowledge that there will be > costs. Yet they also tend to understate, sometimes rather glibly, the chaos > this would entail especially for a state steeped in two centuries of > clientalist practices. Along with this comes an exaggeration of what > exiting the euro would, in itself, achieve. The economics of a new devalued > currency are sure to lead to high inflation and further dramatic reductions > in living standards, nor can it of itself produce new competitive > industries. Where the depth of the crisis is as severe as it is in Greece > and partly rooted in the very restructuring of its economy that came with > its deeper integration into Europe, changes in the currency are unlikely to > restore old industries or develop new ones. It is worth remembering how > many states with their own currencies are unable to withstand the ravages > of neoliberalism. > > That the options open to the Syriza government are even more limited by > the way the new memorandum is structured to cruelly discipline Greece's > integration into neoliberal Europe is obvious enough. It should also be > increasingly obvious to those in the party whose commitment to the EU was > foundational that staying in the eurozone is inconsistent with restraining > neoliberalism's negative impact on most Greeks. It is much to be hoped that > Syriza, and the European Left Parties in general, will abandon the notion > that an even more centralized transnational European state would be more > progressive. But it does not follow from any of this that it would be > correct for Syriza to lead a Grexit right now, without a much deeper > preparation for dealing with the consequences. > > What about resigning from office to free itself from administering the > memorandum? It would be highly irresponsible, having entered the state in > the first place promising to try to at least ameliorate the effects of > neoliberalism in Greece, to step down now after what has been imposed on > the Syriza government for its anti-neoliberal orientation and its > democratic temerity in calling the referendum. This only deepens its > responsibility to do all it still can to restrain the impact of > neoliberalism. To do otherwise would be to acquiesce in the goal of those > who tried to use the negotiations as a way to bring this government down. > Toward a Real Plan B > > The point we are getting at is that framing the issue in terms of an > exhausted Plan A (negotiating with Europe) and a rejection of the euro > (Plan B) is too limited a way to frame the dilemmas confronting Syriza. > What the deeper preparation for leaving the eurozone and possibly also the > EU, actually entails is *to build on the solidarity networks that have > developed in society to cope with the crisis as the basis for starting to > transform social relations within Greece*. That is the real plan B, the > terrain on which both Syriza and the social movements might re-invigorate > now. What, more concretely, might this mean? > > The recent years of struggle have developed the famous grassroots > solidarity movement that began – as all organizing must – by addressing the > needs of people. Out of this grew the some 400 solidarity groups > <http://www.solidarity4all.gr/> all across Greece addressing basic > community needs through self-organized democratically run collectives which > provide support for people's health, food, housing and other needs. Syriza > members were among those deeply involved in establishing and maintaining > the solidarity networks and its MPs elected in 2012 contributed 20 per cent > of their salaries to them. But since the Syriza government was elected this > year it has done very little to change and use the state so as to sustain > and broaden this remarkable movement. > > Two leaders of the ‘Solidarity for All’ assembly of these groups told us > how frustrated they were that they could not even get from the Ministry of > Agriculture the information they need on the locations of specific crops so > they might approach a broader range of farmers and develop more direct > links between them and people in need. Only 12 people in total are employed > in working for Solidarity for All – their numbers should be multiplied with > the state's help. The military trucks sitting idle between demonstrations > could be used to facilitate the distribution of food through the solidarity > networks as a way of offsetting some of the cuts to the poorest pensioners, > and of compensating for the increased VAT on food imposed by the latest > memorandum. Various state departments could be engaged in identifying idle > land – of which there is plenty in the countryside and in light of the > crisis also in urban areas – which could be be given over to community > co-ops to create work in growing food, and coordinating this across > sub-regions. > > The Ministry of Education should be actively engaged in promoting the use > of schools as community hubs that provide spaces for the social movements > organizing around food and health services, and also to provide technical > education appropriate to this. We talked with many students who were > clearly enthusiastic about working in the community but were also quick to > admit that while they were adept at competing in student union elections > and good at distributing pamphlets and organizing demonstrations, their > skills for longer-term community organizing were very limited. The Ministry > of Education could help overcome this by setting up special programs to > prepare students to spend periods of time in communities, contributing to > adult education and working on community projects. > > Similarly, the privatizations forced on the Greek state should be > accompanied by requirements that the new owners make a compensating > commitment to establish industrial parks where new jobs might be created. > Privatized firms might be required to source inputs inside Greece, while > the state's own purchases of furniture, materials and supplies (including > for schools and hospitals) might be sourced from new production units set > up his way. With so many structures standing idle and under-used (like the > Olympic sports facilities), all manners of co-ops and small businesses > should be supported in setting up operations in them, aided by groups of > young architects and engineers recruited to reconfigure these spaces. The > U.S. New Deal Work Projects Administration > <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Works_Progress_Administration> could serve > as an example not only in this respect, but especially in respect to the > broad range of artistic, theatrical and cultural activities in which so > many unemployed young people are already engaged. > > We do not want to overstate this. These experiments would not themselves > be 'solutions’. And they would no doubt lead to objections that they negate > the intent of the new memorandum's structural adjustment demands. But seen > strategically, they invite a constructive approach to linking the state to > communities in new ways that would offset the black and grey markets which > might otherwise overwhelm an economy that moved out of the eurozone. And it > helps lay the foundation for a new stage in addressing the domestic > barriers imposed by the inequalities of wealth and private property, and > concretizes the need for investment planning and public ownership so as > circulate society's social surplus to local, regional and sectoral > institutions. > Conclusion: Leadership of a New Kind > > The Syriza government currently retains a store of good will, even if this > has been damaged by the memorandum. To prevent the further erosion of that > popular support it will need to concretely counter the Troika-imposed > legislation. For every negative bill it puts forth it should creatively put > forth a positive bill that confirms its continuing commitment to the fight > against neoliberalism. Syriza's ministers must never depart from treating > the negative impositions as something positive, and indeed be expected to > act as socialist educators, helping people grasp the barriers to improving > their lives and raising rather than lowering long term expectations by > continuing to attack neoliberalism and speak to a socialist vision of > solidarity and democracy. And it is this that should inspire and guide the > transformation of state structures away from the old clientalism. > > None of this can happen unless Syriza as a party develops the orientation > and capacities to lead the Greek state and society in this direction. We > have met with people in the party and social movements, as well as the > state, who are concerned that Syriza falls well short in this respect. > Among the various reasons for being critical of Syriza, this is the most > significant. • > > Sam Gindin is adjunct professor and Leo Panitch is distinguished research > professor at York University, Canada. They co-authored The Making of > Global Capitalism: The Political Economy of American Empire > <http://www.versobooks.com/books/1145-the-making-of-global-capitalism> > (Verso). Both are currently in Athens, Greece. > > « Previous <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/1144.php> > > Home <http://www.socialistproject.ca/> > > Today <http://www.socialistproject.ca/today/> > > Next <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/> » > > > Comments > > *Be the first to post a comment: * > > > Display Name: Anonymous > E-mail: enter your e-mail address (will not be shown publicly) > Subject: > Comment: > enter your comment here... > What is this text?: [image: Prove you're not a robot]: [ ] > > « Previous <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/1144.php> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(((( The B u l l e t ))))~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ > • ISSN 1923-7871 • > > Next » <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/> > > > > > > Share: [image: Delicious] > <http://delicious.com/post?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistproject.ca%2Fbullet…> > [image: Digg] > <http://digg.com/submit?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistproject.ca%2Fbullet%2F…> > [image: Facebook] > <http://www.facebook.com/sharer.php?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistproject.ca%2…> > [image: Google bookmark] > <http://www.google.com/bookmarks/mark?op=add&bkmk=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialist…> > [image: MySpace] > <http://www.myspace.com/Modules/PostTo/Pages/?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistpr…> > [image: Reddit] > <http://reddit.com/submit?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistproject.ca%2Fbullet%…> > [image: StumbleUpon] > <http://www.stumbleupon.com/submit?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistproject.ca%…> > [image: Twitter] > <http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=Currently+reading+Bullet+No.+1145+abou…> > [image: UnionBook] > <http://www.unionbook.org/profiles/blog/new?post_title=Bullet+No.+1145+The%2…> > [image: RSS] <http://www.socialistproject.ca/rss> > > > > > > > > > > ^ Back to Top ^ <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/1145.php#top> > > > > > > -- > > *Recent publications* > > 1. 2014. From Coldwar Communism to the Global Justice Movement: Itinerary > of a Long-Distance Internationalist. > http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism > _to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/ (Free). 2. 2014. Interface Journal > Special (Co-Editor), December 2014. 'Social Movement Internationalisms'. > (Free).3. 2014. with Laurence Cox, ‘Movement Internationalism/s’, > Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. (Editorial), Vol. 6 > (2), pp. 1–12. 4. 2014. ‘The International Labour Movement in, Against > and Beyond, the Globalized and Informatized Cage of Capitalism and > Bureaucracy. (Interview). Interface: a Journal for and about Social > Movements. Vol. 6 (2), pp. 35-58. 5. 2014. 'The Networked > Internationalism of Labour's Others', in Jai Sen (ed), Peter Waterman > (co-ed), The Movement of Movements: Struggles for Other Worlds (Part I). > (10 Euros). 6. 2015. Waterman, Peter. ‘Beyond Labourism, Development and > Decent Work’. > <https://escarpmentpress.org/globallabour/article/download/2338/2433> > Global Labour Journal, 2015, 6(2), pp. 246-50. > > *More publications, click [////]* > > > _______________________________________________ > NetworkedLabour mailing list > NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org > http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour > > > > _______________________________________________ > NetworkedLabour mailing list > NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org > http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour > > > _______________________________________________ > NetworkedLabour mailing list > NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org > http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour > > -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

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Re: [P2P-F] [NetworkedLabour] Gindin and Panitch (from Athens): A Real Plan B
by Orsan 21 Jul '15

21 Jul '15

If I was Panitch or Gindin, or any academic-mainly thinker-left person, with good connections, I would ask them publicly... Since they didn't, can anyone from European Left or Syriza on the list answer why have you not being using state power, media, and resources to launch and lead a massive global campaign to foster commons, people's kitchens, solidarity economies, peer production, real alternatives to capitalism, that empowers people; if you really really needed to keep strong popular support and help people concretely on their livelihoods. And those who engaged with the project enthusiastically why not asked and push for this? While we and you all came to knew that is was what nationalist nazi greek capital has been doing for years? Don't have any other question! Orsan > On 20 jul. 2015, at 16:18, Theodoros Karyotis <tkaryotis(a)gmail.com> wrote: > > This is a terribly misguided article. It is just an attempt of the traditional left to cling on to what it stands for, while wrapping it up in a funky new vocabulary. > > For years I have been writing, in this list and in various articles, that the project of Syriza has nothing to do with the commons or with overcoming capitalism. On the contrary, it is a project of modernising and rationalising capitalism in a country that "lags behind" the other european countries in terms of opportunities for capital accumulation. I know that this opinion has been very unpopular, and that we had to wait and see how Syriza's plan plays out. But now we have enough data, so insisting on the same mistakes cannot be justified. > > The idea that society, under the guidance of a 'progressive' Syriza government can advance towards the plan C, is a dangerous fiction. > Syriza is a governmental force that is now implementing an extreme structural adjustment that will further compress the lower classes and will attack the commons. > Reluctantly, unwillingly? What difference does it make? The previous governments also hammered us with arguments that this is for the country's long-term benefit and that there is really no choice. Why should the same arguments be true if they are now uttered by the left-wing? > > In my hometown we spend 4 years mobilising the people against the privatisation of the water company. It was a hard and unequal fight, which had a big personal cost for the people who waged it. We managed to freeze the privatization process and oust -temporarily- transnational giant Suez from our city. > > Syriza is now obliged under the terms of the new memorandum to restart the privatization process. It has the judiciary to prosecute us, and the riot police -which it never reformed despite electoral promises- to throw teargas at us. > > What do you think our response should be? "Ok, dear Syriza govt, we know that you really don't want to sell off our water, but its is better that it is done by you rather than by those right-wingers." > > Oh come on people! Time to wake up from the dream! > > It cannot be overstated: By signing a new harsh memorandum and staying in power to implement it, Syriza has passed to the other side. It is now the enemy. > It is a government that now subscribes to the TINA doctrine. Reluctantly? Unwillingly? What difference does it make? > > Syriza, with its charismatic leader and its reserves of political capital, has made possible an unprecedented attack on the people and the commons, which would be impossible under the previous government, which was isolated and fragile. It has made us believe that there is no other option, that resistance is futile. > > And the idea that it can somehow pass "positive" laws to counter the effects of the structural adjustment is preposterous. Signing this agreement, Syriza gave up the capacity of the Greek government to legislate. Laws will now again be written in Brussels or Berlin -same as it has been in the past 5 years- and voted in be Greek MPs without even being read. > > I have to reiterate that the commons movements should be radically independent from the state and political parties. > The state's function will always be to ensure growth, attract investment, make the economy competitive, monetize everything. Otherwise it is a "failed state". > These goals are synonymous to austerity, compression of the forces of work vis-a-vis capital, and an attack on the commons. > And that is why the Plan B of a national productive reconstruction outside the eurozone is not a real solution either. Because it does not challenge the underlying assumptions of "return to growth" and the expansion of production, consumption and credit. > > The only place the commons have in Syriza's plan is as a "safety net", a method of social containment which will prevent social eruptions and will give the government an inexpensive instrument to exercise social policy, while at the same time dismantling the welfare state. This has already started, with the instrumentalisation of the social solidarity clinics. > > The Plan C should have an antagonistic edge, it should aim at creating new institutions and educate people for direct democracy and people's power. It cannot be an accessory to a program of lukewarm reforms that only aim to save capitalism from itself. > > And Syriza cheerleaders like Panitch should wake up to the new reality that emerges after Syriza's unconditional surrender. > > > > > > autonomias.net > twitter.com/TebeoTeo > ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- > ...buscar y saber reconocer quién y qué, en medio del infierno, no es infierno, y hacer que dure, y dejarle espacio... > >> On 17 July 2015 at 12:04, peter waterman <peterwaterman1936(a)gmail.com> wrote: >> >> >> The B u l l e t >> >> Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1145 >> July 17, 2015 >> >> >> The Real Plan B: >> The New Greek Marathon >> >> Sam Gindin and Leo Panitch >> >> In the face of being excluded from desperately needed funds and the threat of being kicked out of the European Union, the Greek parliament has now voted to accept the Troika memorandum. The Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras acknowledged – unlike social democrats choosing to implement neoliberalism as part of their ‘modernization‘ – that this was ‘a bad deal’ forced on the Greeks. Syriza's MPs were divided although three quarters of them followed Tsipras and voted yes. Outside in Syntagma Square thousands of angry demonstrators gathered and then marched through downtown Athens, this time the ‘NO’ being reserved for rejecting the memorandum. There is a strong current of dissent in the Syriza party Central Committee, which has yet to meet. Yet there is also a general sense we get from party members and supporters at all levels we have talked with here that the government should be supported and continue in office. >> >> >> In the face of these divisions and frustrations, what if anything might be done to revive and continue Syriza's struggle against neoliberalism? And since neoliberalism is what capitalism is today – there is no other kind – what can be done to lay the basis for ending capitalism? This is not just a question for Greeks, though crucial aspects of this dilemma are of course specific to Greece, but for how the left everywhere thinks about and responds to the challenges of coming to power in a hostile environment to try to protect people from the worst depredations of neoliberalism, and tries to embark on ‘really-existing transitions’ to a more egalitarian, solidaristic, substantively more democratic world. >> >> Sections of the Greek left and a good part of the international left have argued that the deal should have been rejected, and Grexit embraced instead. This opens up a number of scenarios but the most likely would be the government resigning, calling new elections, and Syriza running on a program that reversed its former support for staying in the eurozone. Whether or not the party would win its credibility would, according to this argument, be maintained and it would at least live to fight another day. >> >> Exiting the Euro, Leaving the State >> >> We would not dismiss the above argument out of hand. It reflects legitimate emotional sentiments and strategic orientations. Until recently, however, three of four Greeks opposed Grexit, and even if this has shifted dramatically with the referendum and its aftermath, there is no clear and deep consensus on leaving. Tsipras and a good part of the leadership is, in this regard, not simply ‘tailing’ the public but deeply committed to Europe on both economic and cultural grounds. For those of us who have long argued that eventual exit is essential, especially from a socialist perspective, the challenge is not so much to condemn this but to ask: When is the right moment to take this on? What practical steps, ideological and in terms of state capacities, might be argued for now to move the party and its base toward a consensus? >> >> As for counselling Syriza to risk losing its governing status, it needs to be noted that Syriza already faced this question in the run up to the 2012 elections, and concluded that the responsible decision was to enter the state and do everything it could to restrain the neoliberal assault from within the state. Its electoral breakthrough that year was based on Tsipras's declaration that Syriza was not just campaigning to register a higher percentage of the vote but determined to form a government with any others who would join with it in stopping the economic torture while remaining within Europe. It was only when it came close to winning on this basis, that Syriza vaunted to the forefront of the international left's attention, and by the following summer, Tsipras was chosen by the European Left Parties to lead their campaign in the 2014 European Parliament elections. Syriza's subsequent clear victory in Greece in this election foretold its victory in the Greek national election of January 2015, when it became the first and only one of all the European left parties to challenge neoliberalism and win national office. >> >> Even apart from the humanitarian measures it immediately introduced without allowing the Troika's representatives to vet the legislation, the very attempt by the new government to challenge the Troika has helped expose the neoliberal essence of the EU and to generate discussions on what alternatives, however difficult to imagine, might be. It strikes us as premature to conclude from the denouement to this five month challenge that was finally reached this week, however sobering it has been, that it is better for Syriza to leave the state to its bourgeois opponents. It seems better to move beyond outrage and protest, let alone resignation, and instead struggle with what kinds of changes remain possible in the state to support the needs of the majority of Greek people who voted OXI in the referendum and to contribute to the much-needed further development of their already powerfully demonstrated capacities for solidarity and innovation. Without this a productive path out of the eurozone, and perhaps even the EU, to escape neoliberalism would be inconceivable. It is this, not just surreptitiously making plans for a new currency, that properly preparing for Grexit would really need to be about. >> >> Those advocating an exit from the euro acknowledge that there will be costs. Yet they also tend to understate, sometimes rather glibly, the chaos this would entail especially for a state steeped in two centuries of clientalist practices. Along with this comes an exaggeration of what exiting the euro would, in itself, achieve. The economics of a new devalued currency are sure to lead to high inflation and further dramatic reductions in living standards, nor can it of itself produce new competitive industries. Where the depth of the crisis is as severe as it is in Greece and partly rooted in the very restructuring of its economy that came with its deeper integration into Europe, changes in the currency are unlikely to restore old industries or develop new ones. It is worth remembering how many states with their own currencies are unable to withstand the ravages of neoliberalism. >> >> That the options open to the Syriza government are even more limited by the way the new memorandum is structured to cruelly discipline Greece's integration into neoliberal Europe is obvious enough. It should also be increasingly obvious to those in the party whose commitment to the EU was foundational that staying in the eurozone is inconsistent with restraining neoliberalism's negative impact on most Greeks. It is much to be hoped that Syriza, and the European Left Parties in general, will abandon the notion that an even more centralized transnational European state would be more progressive. But it does not follow from any of this that it would be correct for Syriza to lead a Grexit right now, without a much deeper preparation for dealing with the consequences. >> >> What about resigning from office to free itself from administering the memorandum? It would be highly irresponsible, having entered the state in the first place promising to try to at least ameliorate the effects of neoliberalism in Greece, to step down now after what has been imposed on the Syriza government for its anti-neoliberal orientation and its democratic temerity in calling the referendum. This only deepens its responsibility to do all it still can to restrain the impact of neoliberalism. To do otherwise would be to acquiesce in the goal of those who tried to use the negotiations as a way to bring this government down. >> >> Toward a Real Plan B >> >> The point we are getting at is that framing the issue in terms of an exhausted Plan A (negotiating with Europe) and a rejection of the euro (Plan B) is too limited a way to frame the dilemmas confronting Syriza. What the deeper preparation for leaving the eurozone and possibly also the EU, actually entails is to build on the solidarity networks that have developed in society to cope with the crisis as the basis for starting to transform social relations within Greece. That is the real plan B, the terrain on which both Syriza and the social movements might re-invigorate now. What, more concretely, might this mean? >> >> The recent years of struggle have developed the famous grassroots solidarity movement that began – as all organizing must – by addressing the needs of people. Out of this grew the some 400 solidarity groups all across Greece addressing basic community needs through self-organized democratically run collectives which provide support for people's health, food, housing and other needs. Syriza members were among those deeply involved in establishing and maintaining the solidarity networks and its MPs elected in 2012 contributed 20 per cent of their salaries to them. But since the Syriza government was elected this year it has done very little to change and use the state so as to sustain and broaden this remarkable movement. >> >> Two leaders of the ‘Solidarity for All’ assembly of these groups told us how frustrated they were that they could not even get from the Ministry of Agriculture the information they need on the locations of specific crops so they might approach a broader range of farmers and develop more direct links between them and people in need. Only 12 people in total are employed in working for Solidarity for All – their numbers should be multiplied with the state's help. The military trucks sitting idle between demonstrations could be used to facilitate the distribution of food through the solidarity networks as a way of offsetting some of the cuts to the poorest pensioners, and of compensating for the increased VAT on food imposed by the latest memorandum. Various state departments could be engaged in identifying idle land – of which there is plenty in the countryside and in light of the crisis also in urban areas – which could be be given over to community co-ops to create work in growing food, and coordinating this across sub-regions. >> >> The Ministry of Education should be actively engaged in promoting the use of schools as community hubs that provide spaces for the social movements organizing around food and health services, and also to provide technical education appropriate to this. We talked with many students who were clearly enthusiastic about working in the community but were also quick to admit that while they were adept at competing in student union elections and good at distributing pamphlets and organizing demonstrations, their skills for longer-term community organizing were very limited. The Ministry of Education could help overcome this by setting up special programs to prepare students to spend periods of time in communities, contributing to adult education and working on community projects. >> >> Similarly, the privatizations forced on the Greek state should be accompanied by requirements that the new owners make a compensating commitment to establish industrial parks where new jobs might be created. Privatized firms might be required to source inputs inside Greece, while the state's own purchases of furniture, materials and supplies (including for schools and hospitals) might be sourced from new production units set up his way. With so many structures standing idle and under-used (like the Olympic sports facilities), all manners of co-ops and small businesses should be supported in setting up operations in them, aided by groups of young architects and engineers recruited to reconfigure these spaces. The U.S. New Deal Work Projects Administration could serve as an example not only in this respect, but especially in respect to the broad range of artistic, theatrical and cultural activities in which so many unemployed young people are already engaged. >> >> We do not want to overstate this. These experiments would not themselves be 'solutions’. And they would no doubt lead to objections that they negate the intent of the new memorandum's structural adjustment demands. But seen strategically, they invite a constructive approach to linking the state to communities in new ways that would offset the black and grey markets which might otherwise overwhelm an economy that moved out of the eurozone. And it helps lay the foundation for a new stage in addressing the domestic barriers imposed by the inequalities of wealth and private property, and concretizes the need for investment planning and public ownership so as circulate society's social surplus to local, regional and sectoral institutions. >> >> Conclusion: Leadership of a New Kind >> >> The Syriza government currently retains a store of good will, even if this has been damaged by the memorandum. To prevent the further erosion of that popular support it will need to concretely counter the Troika-imposed legislation. For every negative bill it puts forth it should creatively put forth a positive bill that confirms its continuing commitment to the fight against neoliberalism. Syriza's ministers must never depart from treating the negative impositions as something positive, and indeed be expected to act as socialist educators, helping people grasp the barriers to improving their lives and raising rather than lowering long term expectations by continuing to attack neoliberalism and speak to a socialist vision of solidarity and democracy. And it is this that should inspire and guide the transformation of state structures away from the old clientalism. >> >> None of this can happen unless Syriza as a party develops the orientation and capacities to lead the Greek state and society in this direction. We have met with people in the party and social movements, as well as the state, who are concerned that Syriza falls well short in this respect. Among the various reasons for being critical of Syriza, this is the most significant. • >> >> Sam Gindin is adjunct professor and Leo Panitch is distinguished research professor at York University, Canada. They co-authored The Making of Global Capitalism: The Political Economy of American Empire (Verso). Both are currently in Athens, Greece. >> >> « PreviousHomeToday >> >> Next » >> Comments >> >> Be the first to post a comment: >> >> Display Name: >> E-mail: >> Subject: >> Comment: >> >> What is this text?: : >> >> « Previous~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(((( The B u l l e t ))))~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ >> • ISSN 1923-7871 •Next » >> Share: >> ^ Back to Top ^ >> >> >> >> -- >> Recent publications >> >> 1. 2014. From Coldwar Communism to the Global Justice Movement: Itinerary of a Long-Distance Internationalist. http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism _to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/ (Free). 2. 2014. Interface Journal Special (Co-Editor), December 2014. 'Social Movement Internationalisms'. (Free).3. 2014. with Laurence Cox, ‘Movement Internationalism/s’, Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. (Editorial), Vol. 6 (2), pp. 1–12. 4. 2014. ‘The International Labour Movement in, Against and Beyond, the Globalized and Informatized Cage of Capitalism and Bureaucracy. (Interview). Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. Vol. 6 (2), pp. 35-58. 5. 2014. 'The Networked Internationalism of Labour's Others', in Jai Sen (ed), Peter Waterman (co-ed), The Movement of Movements: Struggles for Other Worlds (Part I). (10 Euros). 6. 2015. Waterman, Peter. ‘Beyond Labourism, Development and Decent Work’. Global Labour Journal, 2015, 6(2), pp. 246-50. >> >> More publications, click [////] >> >> _______________________________________________ >> NetworkedLabour mailing list >> NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org >> http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour > > _______________________________________________ > NetworkedLabour mailing list > NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org > http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour

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Re: [P2P-F] [NetworkedLabour] Gindin and Panitch (from Athens): A Real Plan B
by Orsan 20 Jul '15

20 Jul '15

> I have only one question Orsan, Actually... There are two questions and many problems here :) > > Is ‘commons, people’s kitchens….’ a ‘real alternative to capitalism’? My answer to this question: of course yes they are part of 'a' real alternative to capitalism, of course they are, aren't they?? --What will Monsanto think of this??? And to this one... I don't think Monsanto can think of anything since it is not an human.. Though they claim to be so. Let say we accept it can think. Then since it is a psychopathic private personality one so can't easily guess what would it, or its managers or owners are capable of thinking of those who decommodify of life and goods... Mm, I guess they would kill all of us :) but then we would fight legitimately back. Orsan

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Re: [P2P-F] [Debate-List] Tsipras: traitor, hero, traitor, hero...
by Orsan 20 Jul '15

20 Jul '15

The guy is working for guardian and counting down doses by doses his mother's phils and we can not stop tears falling from eyes.. He gives London and Greece as address must be flying once or twice at least a moth between the two capital and counting down in the middle of text. If this is not an emotional exploitation and marketing what it is? There, while, exist many Philippino cleaners, paperless immigrants living tens of years like that in the middle of London and other European cities. Guy says nothing about them, Africans sinking in greek waters to join in suffering of Greeks. I wonder can the author create a rhetorical context though which we could emphasize easier with those who really suffers. Orsan > On 20 jul. 2015, at 22:01, peter waterman <peterwaterman1936(a)gmail.com> wrote: > > > > traitor, hero, traitor, hero > > Inbox > x > > Brian K. Murphy <brian(a)radicalroad.com> > > 6:39 PM (3 hours ago) > > to WSF_Discussion > > https://www.byline.com/column/11/article/164 > ALEXIS TSIPRAS: HERO, TRAITOR, HERO, TRAITOR, HERO > > Alex Andreou | Athens, Greece & London, UK | 13 July 2015 > > It is revealing of the political landscape in Europe - indeed, the world - that everyone's dreams of socialism seemed to rest on the shoulders of the young Prime Minister of a small country. There seemed to be a fervent, irrational, almost evangelical belief that a tiny country, drowning in debt, gasping for liquidity, would somehow (and that somehow is never specified) defeat global capitalism, armed only with sticks and rocks. > > When it looked like it wouldn't happen, they turned. "Tsipras capitulated." "He is a traitor." The complexity of international politics was reduced to a hashtag, that quickly changed from variants of #prayfortsipras to variants of #tsiprasresign. The world demanded its climax, its X-factor final, its Hollywood dénouement. Anything other than a fight to the death was unacceptable cowardice. > > How easy it is to be ideologically pure when you are risking nothing. When you are not facing shortages, the collapse of social cohesion, civil conflict, life and death. How easy it is to demand a deal that would plainly never be accepted by any of the other Eurozone member states. How easy brave decisions are when you have no skin in the game, when you are not counting down, as I am, the last twenty-four doses of the medication which prevents your mother from having seizures. > > Twenty doses. Fourteen. > > It is a peculiar feature of pathological negativity to focus only on what is lost instead of what is gained. It is the very same attitude that means sections of every country's population - long for their perfect Socialist Utopia while simultaneously avoiding tax every way they can. > > The idea of Tsipras as a "traitor" relies heavily on a cynical misinterpretation of the referendum last week. "OXI", the critics would have you believe, was "no" to any sort of deal; an authorisation to disorderly Grexit. It was nothing of the sort. In speech after speech Tsipras said again and again that he needed a strong "OXI" to use as a negotiating weapon in order to achieve a better deal. Did you all miss that? Now, you may think he didn't achieve a better deal - that may be fair - but to suggest it authorised Grexit is deeply disingenuous. And what about the 38% that voted "NAI"? Was Tsipras not there representing those people, too? > > Fear not. The deal may prove unworkable anyway. It may not be passed by Greek Parliament. Syriza might tear itself apart from within. Grexit may be forced by those who have been trying to make it happen for years now. Then we get to assess what your better outcome looks like. > > Twelve doses. Ten. > > The agreement that Tsipras achieved (caveat: as we know it) after negotiating for 17 hours, is a lot worse than anyone could have imagined. It is also a lot better than anyone could hope. It simply depends on whether you focus on what has been lost or what has been gained. The loss is a package of horrific austerity. It is a package which, anyone with any political understanding knows, was coming anyway. The only difference is that, through a compliant government like the previous ones, it would be accompanied by no compensations. > > What has been gained in return is much more money than previously imagined to properly fund the medium term and allow the government to implement its programme, a significant stimulus package, the release of EFSF money which had until now been denied (to the "good" government of Samaras), and an agreement to restructure debt, by transferring bonds from IMF and ECB to the ESM. That is nothing, hecklers heckle. ERT analyst Michael Gelantalis estimates this last part alone to be worth between eight and ten billion less in interest repayments a year. That is a lot of souvlaki. > > In the last few hours I have been told that Greece "should just #Grexit NOW"; that we have "a wonderful climate and could easily be self-sufficient"; that we "should adopt bitcoin and crowdfunding to circumvent monetarism"; that "the US would send us medicine". None of these people are suggesting that this should happen in their own country, you understand. Just Greece, so they can see what happens. Most of them live in states with centrist governments, which espouse austerity, but guarantee a steady supply of the latest iPad to the shops. All of them, without exception, could have negotiated a much better deal with a knife to their throat; could have been braver. > > My question to those critics is: What battles are you fighting in your country, city, town, right now? And at what risk? Are you not, in fact, just as bad as the hardcore austerity ideologues that want to experiment with a "toy country", with people's lives, and see how it pans out? > > Eight doses. Five. > > Seen as a sort of Helm's Deep, this defeat for the Greeks is monumental, irredeemable. It is the "all is lost" moment. Seen as one opening battle in much larger war, it is hugely valuable. It has drawn the enemy out into the fore, exposed its strengths and weaknesses. It has provided intelligence to others, in Spain and Portugal and Italy, which will ensure they're better prepared. It has been bravely fought. And smartly, because Greece gets to live to fight another day. > > We elected a good, honest and brave man, who fought like a lion against unfathomably large interests. The result may not be the martyrdom for which you had hoped. But it will do for now. > _________ > > Note from Byline: Alex Andreou is crowdfunding his ongoing coverage of the Greek Crisis. Please consider contributing a few pounds through the link on the right of the page. > -- > Recent publications > > 1. 2014. From Coldwar Communism to the Global Justice Movement: Itinerary of a Long-Distance Internationalist. http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism _to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/ (Free). 2. 2014. Interface Journal Special (Co-Editor), December 2014. 'Social Movement Internationalisms'. (Free).3. 2014. with Laurence Cox, ‘Movement Internationalism/s’, Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. (Editorial), Vol. 6 (2), pp. 1–12. 4. 2014. ‘The International Labour Movement in, Against and Beyond, the Globalized and Informatized Cage of Capitalism and Bureaucracy. (Interview). Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. Vol. 6 (2), pp. 35-58. 5. 2014. 'The Networked Internationalism of Labour's Others', in Jai Sen (ed), Peter Waterman (co-ed), The Movement of Movements: Struggles for Other Worlds (Part I). (10 Euros). 6. 2015. Waterman, Peter. ‘Beyond Labourism, Development and Decent Work’. Global Labour Journal, 2015, 6(2), pp. 246-50. > > More publications, click [////] > -- > To view previous posts, create a Google account with your current email and log in using gmail to access the archives. > https://accounts.google.com/newaccount?hl=en > --- > You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "debate-list(a)fahamu.org" group. > To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to debate-list+unsubscribe(a)fahamu.org. > To post to this group, send email to debate-list(a)fahamu.org. > Visit this group at http://groups.google.com/a/fahamu.org/group/debate-list/.

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Re: [P2P-F] [NetworkedLabour] Gindin and Panitch (from Athens): A Real Plan B
by Michel Bauwens 20 Jul '15

20 Jul '15

On Mon, Jul 20, 2015 at 9:18 PM, Theodoros Karyotis <tkaryotis(a)gmail.com> wrote: > The idea that society, under the guidance of a 'progressive' Syriza > government can advance towards the plan C, is a dangerous fiction. > Syriza is a governmental force that is now implementing an extreme > structural adjustment that will further compress the lower classes and will > attack the commons. > Reluctantly, unwillingly? What difference does it make? The previous > governments also hammered us with arguments that this is for the country's > long-term benefit and that there is really no choice. Why should the same > arguments be true if they are now uttered by the left-wing? > I'm afraid I have to agree with Theodoros. It is true that I had believed, while being fully aware that the place of the commons was minimal in Syriza thinking, that it would have been a transformative party, a bit like the radical social democrats of a century ago, wanting to use parliamentary means for change. Not that I believe in such a program itself, but I believed that it would open a window of of opportunity for the forces of the commons with a chance to make substantial progress in advancing commons experiments beyond those already undertaken by the people themselves, and of which Theodore has been a party. Needless to say,I was wrong, or at least, I have been proven wrong. Syriza will now indeed be tasked by carrying out an extremely radical and negative neoliberal program. In less than six months, they moved to the right of the most timid social democrats. I think that this is not a question of 'blaming' particular people, but to recognize the real structures of power, and what they say about what can be done 'within the system'. And the answer is: very little. With this in mind, we should be cautious of having overblown expectations in Spain with Podemos in government for example. Interesting to see right now would be what En Comu can do at the city level. This being said, the interest of the P2P Foundation to work around the commons with sectors active in the state apparatus, has never been a reason not to practice or advocate self-organisation, and we've always insisted that commons forces, while they should identify sympathetic people at all levels of society, should in no way use this not to advance the concrete organisation of peer production in daily life. In a way what we have to recognize today is that political parties are themselves a form of enclosure, no longer appropriate as the main form of social self-organization. This being said, what I have seen of assemblies, which on average do not last longer than 3 months according to various studies, are NOT the alternative. Here is what we propose in organisational terms: - I propose that in order to get started with the "Plan C", we should focus initially on getting concrete projects underway. Each of these "Commons Projects <http://p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Commons_Projects&action=edit&redli…>" should have an initiator or group of initiators in Greece, and some specific objective of seeking to solve a particular problem or group of problems. For the purpose of discussing such projects (including in regard to figuring out what projects are needed and how to get them started), - create Commons Transition Circles <http://p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Commons_Transition_Circles&action=…> for every town and region to be the advocates and agents of commons creation ; create a Coalition of Commons Transition Circles <http://p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Coalition_of_Commons_Transition_Ci…> to share and coordinate activities; members of these circles support the creation of the initiatives listed below. - create Assemblies of the Commons <http://p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Assemblies_of_the_Commons&action=e…> for every town and region, and per social domain of activity to unite the citizens with commons concerns ; create a Coalition of the Assemblies of the Commons <http://p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Coalition_of_the_Assemblies_of_the…> to share and coordinate activities - create Chambers of the Commons <http://p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Chambers_of_the_Commons&action=edi…>, bound by social charters, for every town and region and for economic domains of activity; members are all entrepreneurial and productive entities responsible for the livelihood of the commoners ; create a Coalition of the Chambers of the Commons <http://p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Coalition_of_the_Chambers_of_the_C…> to share and coordinate activities - create Mutual Aid Networks <http://p2pfoundation.net/Mutual_Aid_Networks> in every town and region to assist citizens in their access to basic resources - create a Association for the Advancement of the Commons Transition <http://p2pfoundation.net/index.php?title=Association_for_the_Advancement_of…> to coordinate policy proposals to be carried out by civic or public service entities in support of the transition -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

2 1

Re: [P2P-F] [NetworkedLabour] Gindin and Panitch (from Athens): A Real Plan B
by Michel Bauwens 20 Jul '15

20 Jul '15

so what I find interesting in Leo Panich is not the analysis itself, but a narrative that allows commoners to work with all political forces that support the commons. On Mon, Jul 20, 2015 at 9:18 PM, Theodoros Karyotis <tkaryotis(a)gmail.com> wrote: > This is a terribly misguided article. It is just an attempt of the > traditional left to cling on to what it stands for, while wrapping it up in > a funky new vocabulary. > > For years I have been writing, in this list and in various articles, that > the project of Syriza has nothing to do with the commons or with overcoming > capitalism. On the contrary, it is a project of modernising and > rationalising capitalism in a country that "lags behind" the other european > countries in terms of opportunities for capital accumulation. I know that > this opinion has been very unpopular, and that we had to wait and see how > Syriza's plan plays out. But now we have enough data, so insisting on the > same mistakes cannot be justified. > > The idea that society, under the guidance of a 'progressive' Syriza > government can advance towards the plan C, is a dangerous fiction. > Syriza is a governmental force that is now implementing an extreme > structural adjustment that will further compress the lower classes and will > attack the commons. > Reluctantly, unwillingly? What difference does it make? The previous > governments also hammered us with arguments that this is for the country's > long-term benefit and that there is really no choice. Why should the same > arguments be true if they are now uttered by the left-wing? > > In my hometown we spend 4 years mobilising the people against the > privatisation of the water company. It was a hard and unequal fight, which > had a big personal cost for the people who waged it. We managed to freeze > the privatization process and oust -temporarily- transnational giant Suez > from our city. > > Syriza is now obliged under the terms of the new memorandum to restart the > privatization process. It has the judiciary to prosecute us, and the riot > police -which it never reformed despite electoral promises- to throw > teargas at us. > > What do you think our response should be? "Ok, dear Syriza govt, we know > that you really don't want to sell off our water, but its is better that it > is done by you rather than by those right-wingers." > > Oh come on people! Time to wake up from the dream! > > It cannot be overstated: By signing a new harsh memorandum and staying in > power to implement it, Syriza has passed to the other side. It is now the > enemy. > It is a government that now subscribes to the TINA doctrine. Reluctantly? > Unwillingly? What difference does it make? > > Syriza, with its charismatic leader and its reserves of political capital, > has made possible an unprecedented attack on the people and the commons, > which would be impossible under the previous government, which was isolated > and fragile. It has made us believe that there is no other option, that > resistance is futile. > > And the idea that it can somehow pass "positive" laws to counter the > effects of the structural adjustment is preposterous. Signing this > agreement, Syriza gave up the capacity of the Greek government to > legislate. Laws will now again be written in Brussels or Berlin -same as it > has been in the past 5 years- and voted in be Greek MPs without even being > read. > > I have to reiterate that the commons movements should be radically > independent from the state and political parties. > The state's function will always be to ensure growth, attract investment, > make the economy competitive, monetize everything. Otherwise it is a > "failed state". > These goals are synonymous to austerity, compression of the forces of work > vis-a-vis capital, and an attack on the commons. > And that is why the Plan B of a national productive reconstruction outside > the eurozone is not a real solution either. Because it does not challenge > the underlying assumptions of "return to growth" and the expansion of > production, consumption and credit. > > The only place the commons have in Syriza's plan is as a "safety net", a > method of social containment which will prevent social eruptions and will > give the government an inexpensive instrument to exercise social policy, > while at the same time dismantling the welfare state. This has already > started, with the instrumentalisation of the social solidarity clinics. > > The Plan C should have an antagonistic edge, it should aim at creating new > institutions and educate people for direct democracy and people's power. It > cannot be an accessory to a program of lukewarm reforms that only aim to > save capitalism from itself. > > And Syriza cheerleaders like Panitch should wake up to the new reality > that emerges after Syriza's unconditional surrender. > > > > > > autonomias.net > twitter.com/TebeoTeo > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- > ...buscar y saber reconocer quién y qué, en medio del infierno, no es > infierno, y hacer que dure, y dejarle espacio... > > On 17 July 2015 at 12:04, peter waterman <peterwaterman1936(a)gmail.com> > wrote: > >> >> [image: Socialist Project - home] <http://www.socialistproject.ca/> >> *The B u l l e t* <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/> >> >> Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1145 >> July 17, 2015 >> [image: Socialist Project - home] <http://www.socialistproject.ca/> >> >> The Real Plan B: >> The New Greek Marathon >> Sam Gindin and Leo Panitch >> >> In the face of being excluded from desperately needed funds and the >> threat of being kicked out of the European Union, the Greek parliament has >> now voted to accept the Troika memorandum >> <http://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2015/07/12-euro-summ…>. >> The Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras acknowledged – unlike social >> democrats *choosing* to implement neoliberalism as part of their >> ‘modernization‘ – that this was ‘a bad deal’ forced on the Greeks. Syriza's >> MPs were divided although three quarters of them followed Tsipras and voted >> yes. Outside in Syntagma Square thousands of angry demonstrators gathered >> and then marched through downtown Athens, this time the ‘NO’ being reserved >> for rejecting the memorandum. There is a strong current of dissent in the >> Syriza party Central Committee, which has yet to meet. Yet there is also a >> general sense we get from party members and supporters at all levels we >> have talked with here that the government should be supported and continue >> in office. >> >> In the face of these divisions and frustrations, what if anything might >> be done to revive and continue Syriza's struggle against neoliberalism? And >> since neoliberalism is what capitalism *is* today – there is no other >> kind – what can be done to lay the basis for ending capitalism? This is not >> just a question for Greeks, though crucial aspects of this dilemma are of >> course specific to Greece, but for how the left everywhere thinks about and >> responds to the challenges of coming to power in a hostile environment to >> try to protect people from the worst depredations of neoliberalism, and >> tries to embark on ‘really-existing transitions’ to a more egalitarian, >> solidaristic, substantively more democratic world. >> >> Sections of the Greek left and a good part of the international left have >> argued that the deal should have been rejected, and Grexit embraced >> instead. This opens up a number of scenarios but the most likely would be >> the government resigning, calling new elections, and Syriza running on a >> program that reversed its former support for staying in the eurozone. >> Whether or not the party would win its credibility would, according to this >> argument, be maintained and it would at least live to fight another day. >> Exiting the Euro, Leaving the State >> >> We would not dismiss the above argument out of hand. It reflects >> legitimate emotional sentiments and strategic orientations. Until recently, >> however, three of four Greeks opposed Grexit, and even if this has shifted >> dramatically with the referendum and its aftermath, there is no clear and >> deep consensus on leaving. Tsipras and a good part of the leadership is, in >> this regard, not simply ‘tailing’ the public but deeply committed to Europe >> on both economic and cultural grounds. For those of us who have long argued >> that eventual exit is essential, especially from a socialist perspective, >> the challenge is not so much to condemn this but to ask: When is the right >> moment to take this on? What practical steps, ideological and in terms of >> state capacities, might be argued for now to move the party and its base >> toward a consensus? >> >> As for counselling Syriza to risk losing its governing status, it needs >> to be noted that Syriza already faced this question in the run up to the >> 2012 elections, and concluded that the responsible decision was to enter >> the state and do everything it could to restrain the neoliberal assault >> from *within* the state. Its electoral breakthrough that year was based >> on Tsipras's declaration that Syriza was not just campaigning to register a >> higher percentage of the vote but determined to form a government with any >> others who would join with it in stopping the economic torture while >> remaining within Europe. It was only when it came close to winning on this >> basis, that Syriza vaunted to the forefront of the international left's >> attention, and by the following summer, Tsipras was chosen by the European >> Left Parties to lead their campaign in the 2014 European Parliament >> elections. Syriza's subsequent clear victory in Greece in this election >> foretold its victory in the Greek national election of January 2015, when >> it became the first and only one of all the European left parties to >> challenge neoliberalism and win national office. >> >> Even apart from the humanitarian measures it immediately introduced >> without allowing the Troika's representatives to vet the legislation, the >> very attempt by the new government to challenge the Troika has helped >> expose the neoliberal essence of the EU and to generate discussions on what >> alternatives, however difficult to imagine, might be. It strikes us as >> premature to conclude from the denouement to this five month challenge that >> was finally reached this week, however sobering it has been, that it is >> better for Syriza to leave the state to its bourgeois opponents. It seems >> better to move beyond outrage and protest, let alone resignation, and >> instead struggle with what kinds of changes remain possible in the state to >> support the needs of the majority of Greek people who voted OXI in the >> referendum and to contribute to the much-needed further development of >> their already powerfully demonstrated capacities for solidarity and >> innovation. Without this a productive path out of the eurozone, and perhaps >> even the EU, to escape neoliberalism would be inconceivable. It is this, >> not just surreptitiously making plans for a new currency, that properly >> preparing for Grexit would really need to be about. >> >> Those advocating an exit from the euro acknowledge that there will be >> costs. Yet they also tend to understate, sometimes rather glibly, the chaos >> this would entail especially for a state steeped in two centuries of >> clientalist practices. Along with this comes an exaggeration of what >> exiting the euro would, in itself, achieve. The economics of a new devalued >> currency are sure to lead to high inflation and further dramatic reductions >> in living standards, nor can it of itself produce new competitive >> industries. Where the depth of the crisis is as severe as it is in Greece >> and partly rooted in the very restructuring of its economy that came with >> its deeper integration into Europe, changes in the currency are unlikely to >> restore old industries or develop new ones. It is worth remembering how >> many states with their own currencies are unable to withstand the ravages >> of neoliberalism. >> >> That the options open to the Syriza government are even more limited by >> the way the new memorandum is structured to cruelly discipline Greece's >> integration into neoliberal Europe is obvious enough. It should also be >> increasingly obvious to those in the party whose commitment to the EU was >> foundational that staying in the eurozone is inconsistent with restraining >> neoliberalism's negative impact on most Greeks. It is much to be hoped that >> Syriza, and the European Left Parties in general, will abandon the notion >> that an even more centralized transnational European state would be more >> progressive. But it does not follow from any of this that it would be >> correct for Syriza to lead a Grexit right now, without a much deeper >> preparation for dealing with the consequences. >> >> What about resigning from office to free itself from administering the >> memorandum? It would be highly irresponsible, having entered the state in >> the first place promising to try to at least ameliorate the effects of >> neoliberalism in Greece, to step down now after what has been imposed on >> the Syriza government for its anti-neoliberal orientation and its >> democratic temerity in calling the referendum. This only deepens its >> responsibility to do all it still can to restrain the impact of >> neoliberalism. To do otherwise would be to acquiesce in the goal of those >> who tried to use the negotiations as a way to bring this government down. >> Toward a Real Plan B >> >> The point we are getting at is that framing the issue in terms of an >> exhausted Plan A (negotiating with Europe) and a rejection of the euro >> (Plan B) is too limited a way to frame the dilemmas confronting Syriza. >> What the deeper preparation for leaving the eurozone and possibly also the >> EU, actually entails is *to build on the solidarity networks that have >> developed in society to cope with the crisis as the basis for starting to >> transform social relations within Greece*. That is the real plan B, the >> terrain on which both Syriza and the social movements might re-invigorate >> now. What, more concretely, might this mean? >> >> The recent years of struggle have developed the famous grassroots >> solidarity movement that began – as all organizing must – by addressing the >> needs of people. Out of this grew the some 400 solidarity groups >> <http://www.solidarity4all.gr/> all across Greece addressing basic >> community needs through self-organized democratically run collectives which >> provide support for people's health, food, housing and other needs. Syriza >> members were among those deeply involved in establishing and maintaining >> the solidarity networks and its MPs elected in 2012 contributed 20 per cent >> of their salaries to them. But since the Syriza government was elected this >> year it has done very little to change and use the state so as to sustain >> and broaden this remarkable movement. >> >> Two leaders of the ‘Solidarity for All’ assembly of these groups told us >> how frustrated they were that they could not even get from the Ministry of >> Agriculture the information they need on the locations of specific crops so >> they might approach a broader range of farmers and develop more direct >> links between them and people in need. Only 12 people in total are employed >> in working for Solidarity for All – their numbers should be multiplied with >> the state's help. The military trucks sitting idle between demonstrations >> could be used to facilitate the distribution of food through the solidarity >> networks as a way of offsetting some of the cuts to the poorest pensioners, >> and of compensating for the increased VAT on food imposed by the latest >> memorandum. Various state departments could be engaged in identifying idle >> land – of which there is plenty in the countryside and in light of the >> crisis also in urban areas – which could be be given over to community >> co-ops to create work in growing food, and coordinating this across >> sub-regions. >> >> The Ministry of Education should be actively engaged in promoting the use >> of schools as community hubs that provide spaces for the social movements >> organizing around food and health services, and also to provide technical >> education appropriate to this. We talked with many students who were >> clearly enthusiastic about working in the community but were also quick to >> admit that while they were adept at competing in student union elections >> and good at distributing pamphlets and organizing demonstrations, their >> skills for longer-term community organizing were very limited. The Ministry >> of Education could help overcome this by setting up special programs to >> prepare students to spend periods of time in communities, contributing to >> adult education and working on community projects. >> >> Similarly, the privatizations forced on the Greek state should be >> accompanied by requirements that the new owners make a compensating >> commitment to establish industrial parks where new jobs might be created. >> Privatized firms might be required to source inputs inside Greece, while >> the state's own purchases of furniture, materials and supplies (including >> for schools and hospitals) might be sourced from new production units set >> up his way. With so many structures standing idle and under-used (like the >> Olympic sports facilities), all manners of co-ops and small businesses >> should be supported in setting up operations in them, aided by groups of >> young architects and engineers recruited to reconfigure these spaces. The >> U.S. New Deal Work Projects Administration >> <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Works_Progress_Administration> could >> serve as an example not only in this respect, but especially in respect to >> the broad range of artistic, theatrical and cultural activities in which so >> many unemployed young people are already engaged. >> >> We do not want to overstate this. These experiments would not themselves >> be 'solutions’. And they would no doubt lead to objections that they negate >> the intent of the new memorandum's structural adjustment demands. But seen >> strategically, they invite a constructive approach to linking the state to >> communities in new ways that would offset the black and grey markets which >> might otherwise overwhelm an economy that moved out of the eurozone. And it >> helps lay the foundation for a new stage in addressing the domestic >> barriers imposed by the inequalities of wealth and private property, and >> concretizes the need for investment planning and public ownership so as >> circulate society's social surplus to local, regional and sectoral >> institutions. >> Conclusion: Leadership of a New Kind >> >> The Syriza government currently retains a store of good will, even if >> this has been damaged by the memorandum. To prevent the further erosion of >> that popular support it will need to concretely counter the Troika-imposed >> legislation. For every negative bill it puts forth it should creatively put >> forth a positive bill that confirms its continuing commitment to the fight >> against neoliberalism. Syriza's ministers must never depart from treating >> the negative impositions as something positive, and indeed be expected to >> act as socialist educators, helping people grasp the barriers to improving >> their lives and raising rather than lowering long term expectations by >> continuing to attack neoliberalism and speak to a socialist vision of >> solidarity and democracy. And it is this that should inspire and guide the >> transformation of state structures away from the old clientalism. >> >> None of this can happen unless Syriza as a party develops the orientation >> and capacities to lead the Greek state and society in this direction. We >> have met with people in the party and social movements, as well as the >> state, who are concerned that Syriza falls well short in this respect. >> Among the various reasons for being critical of Syriza, this is the most >> significant. • >> >> Sam Gindin is adjunct professor and Leo Panitch is distinguished research >> professor at York University, Canada. They co-authored The Making of >> Global Capitalism: The Political Economy of American Empire >> <http://www.versobooks.com/books/1145-the-making-of-global-capitalism> >> (Verso). Both are currently in Athens, Greece. >> « Previous <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/1144.php> >> Home <http://www.socialistproject.ca/> >> Today <http://www.socialistproject.ca/today/> >> Next <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/> » >> >> Comments >> *Be the first to post a comment: * >> >> Display Name: >> E-mail: >> Subject: >> Comment: >> enter your comment here... >> What is this text?: [image: Prove you're not a robot] : >> « Previous <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/1144.php> >> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(((( The B u l l e t ))))~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ >> • ISSN 1923-7871 • >> Next » <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/> >> >> >> Share: [image: Delicious] >> <http://delicious.com/post?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistproject.ca%2Fbullet…> >> [image: Digg] >> <http://digg.com/submit?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistproject.ca%2Fbullet%2F…> >> [image: Facebook] >> <http://www.facebook.com/sharer.php?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistproject.ca%2…> >> [image: Google bookmark] >> <http://www.google.com/bookmarks/mark?op=add&bkmk=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialist…> >> [image: MySpace] >> <http://www.myspace.com/Modules/PostTo/Pages/?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistpr…> >> [image: Reddit] >> <http://reddit.com/submit?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistproject.ca%2Fbullet%…> >> [image: StumbleUpon] >> <http://www.stumbleupon.com/submit?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socialistproject.ca%…> >> [image: Twitter] >> <http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=Currently+reading+Bullet+No.+1145+abou…> >> [image: UnionBook] >> <http://www.unionbook.org/profiles/blog/new?post_title=Bullet+No.+1145+The%2…> >> [image: RSS] <http://www.socialistproject.ca/rss> >> >> >> >> >> ^ Back to Top ^ <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/1145.php#top> >> >> >> >> >> -- >> *Recent publications* >> >> 1. 2014. From Coldwar Communism to the Global Justice Movement: >> Itinerary of a Long-Distance Internationalist. >> http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism >> _to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/ (Free). 2. 2014. Interface Journal >> Special (Co-Editor), December 2014. 'Social Movement Internationalisms'. >> (Free).3. 2014. with Laurence Cox, ‘Movement Internationalism/s’, >> Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. (Editorial), Vol. 6 >> (2), pp. 1–12. 4. 2014. ‘The International Labour Movement in, Against >> and Beyond, the Globalized and Informatized Cage of Capitalism and >> Bureaucracy. (Interview). Interface: a Journal for and about Social >> Movements. Vol. 6 (2), pp. 35-58. 5. 2014. 'The Networked >> Internationalism of Labour's Others', in Jai Sen (ed), Peter Waterman >> (co-ed), The Movement of Movements: Struggles for Other Worlds (Part I). >> (10 Euros). 6. 2015. Waterman, Peter. ‘Beyond Labourism, Development and >> Decent Work’. >> <https://escarpmentpress.org/globallabour/article/download/2338/2433> >> Global Labour Journal, 2015, 6(2), pp. 246-50. >> >> *More publications, click [////]* >> >> _______________________________________________ >> NetworkedLabour mailing list >> NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org >> http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour >> >> > > _______________________________________________ > NetworkedLabour mailing list > NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org > http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour > > -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

1 0

Re: [P2P-F] [NetworkedLabour] Gindin and Panitch (from Athens): A Real Plan B
by Orsan 19 Jul '15

19 Jul '15

From transform Europe network: http://www.transform-network.net/index.php?id=312&L=0&tx_newstransform_news… Not to accuse, judge, oppose, attack or even critic this proposition, just like to rise up and suggest if this is the response of organized resourced left proposal for second plan, it means we ordinary people has to prepare their own plan to avoid, resist, stop,via can't defend ourselves against fascism as Plan B, since that is remaining as only realistic option. If left parties leave the people they claim to represent with only this perspective it only means they are really bonded and powerless before the seemingly 'powerful'. Örsan > On 17 jul. 2015, at 11:04, peter waterman <peterwaterman1936(a)gmail.com> wrote: > > > > The B u l l e t > > Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1145 > July 17, 2015 > > > The Real Plan B: > The New Greek Marathon > > Sam Gindin and Leo Panitch > > In the face of being excluded from desperately needed funds and the threat of being kicked out of the European Union, the Greek parliament has now voted to accept the Troika memorandum. The Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras acknowledged – unlike social democrats choosing to implement neoliberalism as part of their ‘modernization‘ – that this was ‘a bad deal’ forced on the Greeks. Syriza's MPs were divided although three quarters of them followed Tsipras and voted yes. Outside in Syntagma Square thousands of angry demonstrators gathered and then marched through downtown Athens, this time the ‘NO’ being reserved for rejecting the memorandum. There is a strong current of dissent in the Syriza party Central Committee, which has yet to meet. Yet there is also a general sense we get from party members and supporters at all levels we have talked with here that the government should be supported and continue in office. > > > In the face of these divisions and frustrations, what if anything might be done to revive and continue Syriza's struggle against neoliberalism? And since neoliberalism is what capitalism is today – there is no other kind – what can be done to lay the basis for ending capitalism? This is not just a question for Greeks, though crucial aspects of this dilemma are of course specific to Greece, but for how the left everywhere thinks about and responds to the challenges of coming to power in a hostile environment to try to protect people from the worst depredations of neoliberalism, and tries to embark on ‘really-existing transitions’ to a more egalitarian, solidaristic, substantively more democratic world. > > Sections of the Greek left and a good part of the international left have argued that the deal should have been rejected, and Grexit embraced instead. This opens up a number of scenarios but the most likely would be the government resigning, calling new elections, and Syriza running on a program that reversed its former support for staying in the eurozone. Whether or not the party would win its credibility would, according to this argument, be maintained and it would at least live to fight another day. > > Exiting the Euro, Leaving the State > > We would not dismiss the above argument out of hand. It reflects legitimate emotional sentiments and strategic orientations. Until recently, however, three of four Greeks opposed Grexit, and even if this has shifted dramatically with the referendum and its aftermath, there is no clear and deep consensus on leaving. Tsipras and a good part of the leadership is, in this regard, not simply ‘tailing’ the public but deeply committed to Europe on both economic and cultural grounds. For those of us who have long argued that eventual exit is essential, especially from a socialist perspective, the challenge is not so much to condemn this but to ask: When is the right moment to take this on? What practical steps, ideological and in terms of state capacities, might be argued for now to move the party and its base toward a consensus? > > As for counselling Syriza to risk losing its governing status, it needs to be noted that Syriza already faced this question in the run up to the 2012 elections, and concluded that the responsible decision was to enter the state and do everything it could to restrain the neoliberal assault from within the state. Its electoral breakthrough that year was based on Tsipras's declaration that Syriza was not just campaigning to register a higher percentage of the vote but determined to form a government with any others who would join with it in stopping the economic torture while remaining within Europe. It was only when it came close to winning on this basis, that Syriza vaunted to the forefront of the international left's attention, and by the following summer, Tsipras was chosen by the European Left Parties to lead their campaign in the 2014 European Parliament elections. Syriza's subsequent clear victory in Greece in this election foretold its victory in the Greek national election of January 2015, when it became the first and only one of all the European left parties to challenge neoliberalism and win national office. > > Even apart from the humanitarian measures it immediately introduced without allowing the Troika's representatives to vet the legislation, the very attempt by the new government to challenge the Troika has helped expose the neoliberal essence of the EU and to generate discussions on what alternatives, however difficult to imagine, might be. It strikes us as premature to conclude from the denouement to this five month challenge that was finally reached this week, however sobering it has been, that it is better for Syriza to leave the state to its bourgeois opponents. It seems better to move beyond outrage and protest, let alone resignation, and instead struggle with what kinds of changes remain possible in the state to support the needs of the majority of Greek people who voted OXI in the referendum and to contribute to the much-needed further development of their already powerfully demonstrated capacities for solidarity and innovation. Without this a productive path out of the eurozone, and perhaps even the EU, to escape neoliberalism would be inconceivable. It is this, not just surreptitiously making plans for a new currency, that properly preparing for Grexit would really need to be about. > > Those advocating an exit from the euro acknowledge that there will be costs. Yet they also tend to understate, sometimes rather glibly, the chaos this would entail especially for a state steeped in two centuries of clientalist practices. Along with this comes an exaggeration of what exiting the euro would, in itself, achieve. The economics of a new devalued currency are sure to lead to high inflation and further dramatic reductions in living standards, nor can it of itself produce new competitive industries. Where the depth of the crisis is as severe as it is in Greece and partly rooted in the very restructuring of its economy that came with its deeper integration into Europe, changes in the currency are unlikely to restore old industries or develop new ones. It is worth remembering how many states with their own currencies are unable to withstand the ravages of neoliberalism. > > That the options open to the Syriza government are even more limited by the way the new memorandum is structured to cruelly discipline Greece's integration into neoliberal Europe is obvious enough. It should also be increasingly obvious to those in the party whose commitment to the EU was foundational that staying in the eurozone is inconsistent with restraining neoliberalism's negative impact on most Greeks. It is much to be hoped that Syriza, and the European Left Parties in general, will abandon the notion that an even more centralized transnational European state would be more progressive. But it does not follow from any of this that it would be correct for Syriza to lead a Grexit right now, without a much deeper preparation for dealing with the consequences. > > What about resigning from office to free itself from administering the memorandum? It would be highly irresponsible, having entered the state in the first place promising to try to at least ameliorate the effects of neoliberalism in Greece, to step down now after what has been imposed on the Syriza government for its anti-neoliberal orientation and its democratic temerity in calling the referendum. This only deepens its responsibility to do all it still can to restrain the impact of neoliberalism. To do otherwise would be to acquiesce in the goal of those who tried to use the negotiations as a way to bring this government down. > > Toward a Real Plan B > > The point we are getting at is that framing the issue in terms of an exhausted Plan A (negotiating with Europe) and a rejection of the euro (Plan B) is too limited a way to frame the dilemmas confronting Syriza. What the deeper preparation for leaving the eurozone and possibly also the EU, actually entails is to build on the solidarity networks that have developed in society to cope with the crisis as the basis for starting to transform social relations within Greece. That is the real plan B, the terrain on which both Syriza and the social movements might re-invigorate now. What, more concretely, might this mean? > > The recent years of struggle have developed the famous grassroots solidarity movement that began – as all organizing must – by addressing the needs of people. Out of this grew the some 400 solidarity groups all across Greece addressing basic community needs through self-organized democratically run collectives which provide support for people's health, food, housing and other needs. Syriza members were among those deeply involved in establishing and maintaining the solidarity networks and its MPs elected in 2012 contributed 20 per cent of their salaries to them. But since the Syriza government was elected this year it has done very little to change and use the state so as to sustain and broaden this remarkable movement. > > Two leaders of the ‘Solidarity for All’ assembly of these groups told us how frustrated they were that they could not even get from the Ministry of Agriculture the information they need on the locations of specific crops so they might approach a broader range of farmers and develop more direct links between them and people in need. Only 12 people in total are employed in working for Solidarity for All – their numbers should be multiplied with the state's help. The military trucks sitting idle between demonstrations could be used to facilitate the distribution of food through the solidarity networks as a way of offsetting some of the cuts to the poorest pensioners, and of compensating for the increased VAT on food imposed by the latest memorandum. Various state departments could be engaged in identifying idle land – of which there is plenty in the countryside and in light of the crisis also in urban areas – which could be be given over to community co-ops to create work in growing food, and coordinating this across sub-regions. > > The Ministry of Education should be actively engaged in promoting the use of schools as community hubs that provide spaces for the social movements organizing around food and health services, and also to provide technical education appropriate to this. We talked with many students who were clearly enthusiastic about working in the community but were also quick to admit that while they were adept at competing in student union elections and good at distributing pamphlets and organizing demonstrations, their skills for longer-term community organizing were very limited. The Ministry of Education could help overcome this by setting up special programs to prepare students to spend periods of time in communities, contributing to adult education and working on community projects. > > Similarly, the privatizations forced on the Greek state should be accompanied by requirements that the new owners make a compensating commitment to establish industrial parks where new jobs might be created. Privatized firms might be required to source inputs inside Greece, while the state's own purchases of furniture, materials and supplies (including for schools and hospitals) might be sourced from new production units set up his way. With so many structures standing idle and under-used (like the Olympic sports facilities), all manners of co-ops and small businesses should be supported in setting up operations in them, aided by groups of young architects and engineers recruited to reconfigure these spaces. The U.S. New Deal Work Projects Administration could serve as an example not only in this respect, but especially in respect to the broad range of artistic, theatrical and cultural activities in which so many unemployed young people are already engaged. > > We do not want to overstate this. These experiments would not themselves be 'solutions’. And they would no doubt lead to objections that they negate the intent of the new memorandum's structural adjustment demands. But seen strategically, they invite a constructive approach to linking the state to communities in new ways that would offset the black and grey markets which might otherwise overwhelm an economy that moved out of the eurozone. And it helps lay the foundation for a new stage in addressing the domestic barriers imposed by the inequalities of wealth and private property, and concretizes the need for investment planning and public ownership so as circulate society's social surplus to local, regional and sectoral institutions. > > Conclusion: Leadership of a New Kind > > The Syriza government currently retains a store of good will, even if this has been damaged by the memorandum. To prevent the further erosion of that popular support it will need to concretely counter the Troika-imposed legislation. For every negative bill it puts forth it should creatively put forth a positive bill that confirms its continuing commitment to the fight against neoliberalism. Syriza's ministers must never depart from treating the negative impositions as something positive, and indeed be expected to act as socialist educators, helping people grasp the barriers to improving their lives and raising rather than lowering long term expectations by continuing to attack neoliberalism and speak to a socialist vision of solidarity and democracy. And it is this that should inspire and guide the transformation of state structures away from the old clientalism. > > None of this can happen unless Syriza as a party develops the orientation and capacities to lead the Greek state and society in this direction. We have met with people in the party and social movements, as well as the state, who are concerned that Syriza falls well short in this respect. Among the various reasons for being critical of Syriza, this is the most significant. • > > Sam Gindin is adjunct professor and Leo Panitch is distinguished research professor at York University, Canada. They co-authored The Making of Global Capitalism: The Political Economy of American Empire (Verso). Both are currently in Athens, Greece. > > « PreviousHomeToday > > Next » > Comments > > Be the first to post a comment: > > Display Name: > E-mail: > Subject: > Comment: > > What is this text?: : > > « Previous~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(((( The B u l l e t ))))~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ > • ISSN 1923-7871 •Next » > Share: > ^ Back to Top ^ > > > > -- > Recent publications > > 1. 2014. From Coldwar Communism to the Global Justice Movement: Itinerary of a Long-Distance Internationalist. http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism _to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/ (Free). 2. 2014. Interface Journal Special (Co-Editor), December 2014. 'Social Movement Internationalisms'. (Free).3. 2014. with Laurence Cox, ‘Movement Internationalism/s’, Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. (Editorial), Vol. 6 (2), pp. 1–12. 4. 2014. ‘The International Labour Movement in, Against and Beyond, the Globalized and Informatized Cage of Capitalism and Bureaucracy. (Interview). Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. Vol. 6 (2), pp. 35-58. 5. 2014. 'The Networked Internationalism of Labour's Others', in Jai Sen (ed), Peter Waterman (co-ed), The Movement of Movements: Struggles for Other Worlds (Part I). (10 Euros). 6. 2015. Waterman, Peter. ‘Beyond Labourism, Development and Decent Work’. Global Labour Journal, 2015, 6(2), pp. 246-50. > > More publications, click [////] > _______________________________________________ > NetworkedLabour mailing list > NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org > http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour

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Re: [P2P-F] [NetworkedLabour] Gindin and Panitch (from Athens): A Real Plan B
by Michel Bauwens 19 Jul '15

19 Jul '15

On Sat, Jul 18, 2015 at 4:59 PM, Apostolis Xekoukoulotakis < xekoukou(a)gmail.com> wrote: > Who do you think is isolated now in the eyes of the Greek public? > This question is easy to answer. > Indeed it is, and this whether we like it or not, 70 % agrees with the decision of Tsipras, Michel -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

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