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June 2015
- 9 participants
- 68 discussions
******************************************
<apologies if you receive this message more than once>
CFP Journal of Peer Production: Work and peer production
Editors: Phoebe Moore (Middlesex University London), Mathieu O’Neil
(University of Canberra), Stefano Zacchiroli (University Paris Diderot)
The rise in the usage and delivery capacity of the Internet in the 1990s
has led to the development of massively distributed online projects where
self-governing volunteers collaboratively produce public goods. Notable
examples include Free and Open Source Software (FOSS) projects such as
Debian and GNOME, as well as the Wikipedia encyclopedia. These distributed
practices have been characterised as peer production, crowdsourcing, mass
customization, social production, co-configurative work, playbour,
user-generated content, wikinomics, open innovation, participatory culture,
produsage, and the wisdom of the crowd, amongst other terms. In peer
production, labour is communal and outputs are orientated towards the
further expansion of the commons, an ecology of production that aims to
defy and resist the hierarchies and rules of ownership that drive
productive models within capitalism (Moore, 2011); while the commons,
recursively, are the chief resource in this mode of production (Söderberg &
O’Neil, 2014).
Peer projects are ‘ethical’ as participation is primarily motivated by
self-fulfillment and validated by a community of peers, rather than by
earning wages. Their governance is ‘modular’, understood in a design sense
(decomposable blocks sharing a common interface), but also in
political-economy terms: participants oppose restricted ownership and
control by individually socializing their works into commons. Conflicting
interpretations of their societal impact have been articulated (O’Neil,
2015). Skeptics view the abjuration of exclusive property rights over the
goods they produce as irrelevant, and ethical-modular projects as
increasing worker exploitation: participants’ passionate labour occurs at
the expense of less fortunate others, who do not have the disposable
income, cultural capital, or family support to engage in unpaid labour
(Moore & Taylor, 2009; Huws, 2013). In contrast, reformists, often hailing
from a management perspective, suggest that the co-optation of communal
labour by firms will improve business practices and society (Arvidsson,
2008; Demil et al., 2015). Finally activists celebrate the abjuration of
exclusive property rights, and present ethical-modular projects as key
actors in a historical process leading to the supersession of capitalism
and hierarchy (Kostakis & Bauwens, 2014).
This last perspective raises a central challenge, which is the avoidance
of purely utopian thinking. In other words, how can commons-based peer
production reach deeply into daily life? How can ‘already existing
non-capitalist economic processes’ be strengthened, ‘new non-capitalist
enterprises’ be built, and ‘communal subjects’ be established
(Gibson-Graham, 2003: 157)? An increasingly large free public goods and
services sector could well cohabit in a plural economy with employment in
cooperatives, paid independent work, and the wage-earning of the commercial
sector. However analysis of peer production typically eschews mundane
considerations such as living wages, benefits, job security, working
conditions, work-induced medical conditions, and debates on labour
organization. How can peer production operate as a sustainable practice
enabling people to live, if labour and work issues are not formally
addressed?
To advance this agenda, the tenth issue of the Journal of Peer Production,
titled Peer Production and Work, calls for papers in two linked areas:
*Peer production in a paid work society*
Nowadays firms attempt to monetize crowdsourced labour. The paradigmatic
example is Amazon’s Mechanical Turk labourers (popularly known as
‘Turkers’, ‘cloud workers’ or ‘click workers’) who accomplish micro-tasks
such as tagging and labeling images, transcribing audio or video
recordings, and categorizing products. This extreme modularization of work
results in their status being that of independent contractors rather than
employees with rights, necessitating novel means of protection and redress
(Irani & Silberman, 2013). The so-called 'sharing economy' also uses peer
production methods, such as the self-selection of modular and granular
tasks, to extract ever-more value from the labour of volunteer ‘prosumers’
(Frayssé & O’Neil, 2015). Capitalist firms are also increasingly engaging
with ethical-modular organizations, in some cases paying wages to
participants. Such labour is thus both ‘alienated’, or sold, and
‘communal’, as workers freely cooperate to produce commons. Do traditional
categories such as exploitation and alienation still apply?
Topics may include, but are not limited to:
- Peer production and the global political economy
- Peer production and the rise of precarious work
- Peer workers and possibilities for worker organisation
- Does the autonomy of peer workers cause conflict in firms, and how is it
resolved?
- What strategies do firms adopt to co-opt peer production (e.g.,
‘hackhathons’)?
- Do tensions around property rights emerge?
- Subjectivity in peer production
- Peer production and intellectual property, coded work
*Paid work in peer production projects*
How does paid labour affect ethical P2P projects? Mansell and Berdou (2010)
argue that firms supporting the work of programmers who contribute to
volunteer projects, to the commons, will not affect the ‘cooperative
spirit’ of projects; nor can this support prevent the results of labour
from being socialized into commons. Is this always the case?
Topics may include, but are not limited to:
- How do peer projects deal with the presence of paid or waged labour?
- Is this topic discussed within peer production projects? In what way?
- What benefits do paid or waged workers enjoy in peer projects?
- How does paid labour affect peer production projects?
*Timeline*
300-500 word-abstract due: 30 July 2015
Notification to authors: 30 August 2015
Submission of full paper: 31 December 2015
Reviews to authors: 15 February 2016
Revised papers: 30 April 2016
Signals due: 30 May 2016
Issue release: June/July 2016
*Submission guidelines*
Submission abstracts of 300-500 words are due by July 30, 2015 and should
be sent to <work(a)peerproduction.net>. All peer reviewed papers will be
reviewed according to Journal of Peer Production guidelines. See
http://peerproduction.net/peer-review/process/
Full papers and materials are due by December 31, 2015 for review.
Peer reviewed papers should be around 8,000 words; personal testimonies or
‘tales of toil’ in the Processed World tradition should be up to 4,000
words.
*References*
Arvidsson, A. (2008). The ethical economy of consumer coproduction. Journal
of Macromarketing, 8, 326-338.
Demil, B., Lecoq. X. & Warnier, E. (2015). The capabilities of bazaar
governance: Investigating the advantage of business models based on open
communities. Journal of Organizational Change Management, in press.
Frayssé, O. & O’Neil, M. (2015) Digital labour and prosumer capitalism:
The US matrix. Basingstoke: Palgrave, in press.
Gibson-Graham, J.K. (2003). Enabling ethical economies: Cooperativism and
class. Critical Sociology, 29, 123-164.
Huws, U. (2013). The underpinnings of class in the digital age: Living,
labour and value. Socialist Register, 50, 80-107.
Irani, L. & Silberman, M. (2013). Turkopticon: Interrupting worker
invisibility in Amazon Mechanical Turk. Proceedings of the SIGCHI
Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems.
Kostakis, V. & Bauwens, M. (2014) Network society and future scenarios for
a collaborative economy. Basingstoke: Palgrave.
Mansell, R. & Berdou, E. (2010). Political economy, the internet and
FL/OSS development. In Hunsinger, J., Allen, M. & Klastrup, L. (Eds.)
International handbook of Internet research (pp. 341-362). Amsterdam, The
Netherlands: Springer.
Moore, P. (2011). Subjectivity in the ecologies of P2P Production. The
Journal of Fibreculture FCJ-119. Online.
Moore, P. & Taylor, P. A. (2009). Exploitation of the self in
community-based software production: Workers’ freedoms or firm foundations?
Capital & Class, 99-117.
O’Neil, M. (2015). Labour out of control: The political economy of
capitalist and ethical organizations. Organization Studies, 1-21.
Söderberg, J. & O’Neil, M. (2014). 'Introduction'. Book of Peer Production
(pp. 2-3). Göteborg: NSU Press.
******************************************
1
0
08 Jun '15
The Art of Commoning
*"What becomes possible when we harness our collective capacity in service
of the commons?"*
[image: commoning]
*25 - 27 August 2015* | WeCreate <http://wecreate.ie/>, Cloughjordan
Ecovillage, Tipperary, Ireland
*Standard Fee*: €380*/ early bird by June 30th: €340
*Low Income Fee*: €340*/ early bird by June 30th: €310
* Depending on registrations there will be a limited amount of bursary
options available.
*Pay via Paypal*
<http://cultivate.ie/community-resilience/1246-p2p-summer-school#Paypal>
Contact Form
<http://cultivate.ie/component/contact/contact/88888956-staff/3>. PDF
Brochure <http://cultivate.ie/images/ArtOfCommoning.pdf>
http://cultivate.ie/community-resilience/1246-p2p-summer-school
<http://cultivate.ie/images/ArtOfCommoning.pdf>
*Overview*
Many roads lead to the commons: the collaborative economy, open culture,
technology and knowledge sharing, shared meaning-making, protecting
biodiversity, seed saving, our natural resources, and more.
As “commoners” we practice engaging with others to create impact that lasts
longer and is more sustainable than anything we can accomplish on our own.
Together we maintain and govern the infrastructures that benefit the public
as a whole and beyond.
We invite you to join us in shared inquiry for a 3-day gathering
in beautiful rural Ireland.
*The core of our inquiry centres on the following questions:*
• What becomes possible when we harness our collective capacity in service
of the commons?
• How can the commons, peer-to-peer and participatory approaches support
the transition to a more sustainable way of life?
• Can we create livelihoods through co-operatives that enrich and sustain
the commons?
• How can a commons-based collaborative economy strengthen the resilience
of our communities?
*What should you expect?*
The Summer School will be grounded in the actual practice of collaboration
and finding synergies. Some theoretical input, both on P2P and Art of
Hosting, will also be offered - mostly in short modules. New developments
in P2P will be shared by Michel Bauwens and Kevin Flanagan, Art of Hosting
models and practices by Davie Philip and Ria Baeck. The overall aim is to
balance and integrate concrete learning outcomes for all.
Coming from P2P, explorations are likely to cover topics such as new forms
of cooperative enterprise, P2P money, crowdfunding, open value accounting,
P2P legal developments, etc. Coming from AoH, you will learn how to better
design conversations that invite full participation and engagement.
This event builds on the experience of the Art of Hosting event (
http://bollier.org/blog/art-commoning) held in autumn 2014 in Montréal and
the Open Everything Collaborative Economy Convergence held in Ireland in
September 2014.
Who is this for?
If you are a citizen, student, entrepreneur, cultural worker, adult
educator, facilitator of change, coach or working with your local community
and wanting to develop collaborative and participatory practices to empower
social change and steward resources, then this Summer School is for you. No
matter your level of experience, or area of interest and activity, you are
sure to take home many new insights and practices for your own commons
project whatever it is about! Not to mention new friends and transformative
experiences.
Extended 5-day
If 3 days seem too short for such an adventure you are welcome to come a
day early (Monday Aug. 24). The Ecovillage (see below), Ireland and all
these inspiring participants offer much to discover and learn from. You can
also stay a day longer (Friday Aug. 28). We know from experience that these
gatherings start with connecting and bringing our questions to life while
the gatherings afterward give space for further synergies to emerge and
make for a smoother transition for your own next steps. Of course you can
also enjoy some leisure time and explore the countryside!
*Unique Setting for the Summer School*
The summer school will be held in the new WeCreate Workspace in
Cloughjordan Ecovillage, winner of Ireland's national Green Community award
and also the UN backed International Award for Liveable Communities.
In this setting, you will be able to see many commons initiatives and key
sustainable community systems in working practice and hear the stories of
people seeking to play their part in the transition to a low carbon society.
Cloughjordan is a vibrant, rural village where progressive projects have
been successfully integrated into a traditional local community. The
Ecovillage offers a rich environment for learning about the mainstreaming
of sustainability and progressing a commons approach. Of course the
ecovillage also has its challenges, and contributing to its ever-developing
life will provide another opportunity for learning unexpected things by
doing.
The blending of people with different skills and backgrounds, from within
the peer-to-peer, commons and sustainability movements and the community
of practitioners of the Art of Hosting offers unprecedented opportunities
for learning and the emergence of novel synergies. Sharing our practices,
knowledge and experiences within the setting of the emerging ecosystem of
innovation that is the Cloughjordan Ecovillage will offer many great
benefits for individuals, communities and beyond.
Food and Accommodation
Accommodation is available in Djangos Hostel
<http://www.djangoshostel.com/> (+353
87 256 9348), locally in the Ecovillage. B&B options are also available,
contact philippa@ cultivate.ie for a list.
Lunch is included in the fee and dinner is available in a number of venues
within walking distance of the venue.
*Participation Fee*
There are only 40 places available for this event and full participation in
the 3 days is required. We know that participants for this gathering come
from different economic backgrounds and we have different rates to reflect
this diversity; also because we need to create a balance where those who
can afford it pay the higher rates so that others with less financial
possibilities can participate.
There is an early bird rate for bookings made before June 30th and we need
15 participants to have registered and paid before this date to make this
event work! If you wish to attend please register right away.
*Organisers*
This gathering is co-organised and co-created by the following groups who
are deeply engaged in service to the commons:
*The Peer-to-Peer Foundation (P2PF)* are a global network of activists and
researchers dedicated to advocacy and research of peer to peer dynamics in
society. The Peer to Peer Foundation explore P2P in its broadest sense. The
Collaborative Economy, the Sharing Economy, Free Libre Open Source
Software, Creative Commons, Open Design, Maker Spaces, Coworking, FabLabs,
Crowdfunding, all represent the seeds of a new paradigm and a
transformative vision for the future where participation, collaboration
and cooperation are at the heart of our economy and society.
The P2PF maintain a comprehensive directory of P2P projects and practices
at http://p2pfoundation.net
*Art of Hosting Conversations that Matter (AoH)* is an integral set of
practices that elicits the collective wisdom and capacity of groups to
self-organise in creative, constructive, humane ways. The ability to
convene and connect people, locally and globally, empowers communities to
self-organise around their interests, to share experiences and produce
valuable knowledge resources and commons at scales previously only possible
through hierarchical and capital-intensive, command-and-control economies.
It is also a fast-growing, self-organised globe-spanning network that hosts
conversations in all parts of society that lead to novel insights and wiser
actions. http://www.artofhosting.org
*Cultivate Living and Learning* is managed by the Sustainable Ireland
Cooperative, which designs and facilitates learning journeys, hosts
training in community resilience and offers courses in Permaculture and
innovation. A current focus of Cultivate is catalysing community ownership
in Ireland through cooperatives. http://www.cultivate.ie
*WeCreate Workspace* is based in the Community Enterprise Centre of the
Ecovillage and features a FabLab makerspace and coworking area supporting a
focus on community resilience and sustainability through the lens of
fabrication and technology. http://www.wecreate.ie
Cloughjordan Ecovillage is an award-winning sustainable community now
featuring fifty-five households, three NGO’s, and over ten businesses,
including a CSA community farm farm, community woodlands, research gardens,
an award winning bakery and an eco-hostel. http://www.thevillage.ie
*More Information* Contact Davie Philip davie@ cultivate.ie
<davie(a)cultivate.ie> or Kevin Flanagan kevin@ p2pfoundation.net
<kevin(a)p2pfoundation.net>
--
For P2P Foundation related messages please contact me at
kevin(a)p2pfoundation.net
http://blog.p2pfoundation.net/
https://twitter.com/flgnk
Skype: kev.flanagan
Phone: +353 87 743 5660
1
0
From: Swart, Gemma <Gemma.Swart(a)ituc-csi.org>
Date: Thu, Jun 4, 2015 at 12:24 PM
Subject: ITUC Media Release: G7 warned global companies hit by trust deficit
To: "Swart, Gemma" <Gemma.Swart(a)ituc-csi.org>
*G7 warned global companies hit by trust deficit*
Brussels, 4 June 2015 (ITUC OnLine): Just one in five of people in western
economies like France, Germany, the UK and the USA agree that corporations
can be trusted with their global workforce, according to a new poll
commissioned by International Trade Union Confederation.
The public opinion poll released on the eve of the G7 summit in Germany
comes amid growing political concern that multinational companies and
international organizations like FIFA are ignoring agreements and breaking
the rules.
Sharan Burrow, General Secretary, International Trade Union Confederation,
said the G7 could play a critical role in strengthening the rule of law.
“G7 nations have laws that guarantee fundamental rights for workers in
their own countries. They can guarantee equal treatment for workers in
other countries where companies based in G7 countries operate, by extending
the same rule of law beyond their boundaries,”
With the rise of global supply chains, accounting for three quarters of of
global trade, large corporations are employing workers around the globe in
countries like Indonesia, the Philippines and Turkey – but often indirectly
through a chain of contractors.
“Citizens have made a plea to G7 leaders not to trust corporations to look
after the world’s workforce. They don’t trust them to pay them a decent
wage, they don’t trust them to respect their rights and they don’t trust
them to take safety seriously,” said Sharan Burrow.
The ITUC poll on trust in companies and supply chains found:
- 55 % of respondents in France, Germany, the UK and the USA believe
most global companies can’t be trusted to look after their workers and
tougher laws are needed;
- 80 % of respondent in Indonesia, the Philippines and Turkey believe
that most employers prioritise profits over safety of their workers;
- More than three quarters (78%) of people Indonesia, the Philippines
and Turkey believe that business should pay all their workers a decent
minimum wage - no matter where they are.
-
“The vast majority believing these corporations can’t be trusted to look
after their workers because they will prioritise profits over the interests
of people, including the safety of their employees. This breakdown in trust
places the onus back on governments to cooperate to hold these global
giants to account for their workers,” said John Evans, General Secretary
Trade Union Advisory Committee to the OECD.
ENDS
For more information contact Gemma Swart gemma.swart(a)ituc-csi.org +44 7944
99 07 63
TNS Opinion carried out the fieldwork for the public opinion poll between
23 – 29th April 2015. For a copy of the 2015 ITUC Frontlines Poll Trust in
companies and supply chains go to:
http://www.ituc-csi.org/ituc-frontlines-poll-trust-in
To read the summary statement to the G7:
English: http://www.ituc-csi.org/the-exploitative-model-of-supply?lang=en
German: http://www.ituc-csi.org/dem-ausbeuterischen?lang=de
*The ITUC represents 176 million workers in 162 countries and territories
and has 328 national affiliates.*
*Follow us on the web: *http://www.ituc-csi.org and
http://www.youtube.com/ITUCCSI
*For more information, please contact the ITUC Press Department on: +32
2 224 02 04 <%2B32%202%C2%A0224%C2%A002%2004>*
--
Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org
P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net
<http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates:
http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens
#82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/
1
0
06 Jun '15
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: peter waterman <peterwaterman1936(a)gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Jun 6, 2015 at 9:09 PM
Subject: [NetworkedLabour] Marcel vd Linden: The Crisis of World Labour
To: Debate is a listserve that attempts to promote information and analyses
of interest to the independent left in South and Southern Africa <
debate-list(a)fahamu.org>, WSFDiscuss List <
WorldSocialForum-Discuss(a)openspaceforum.net>, "
CRITICAL-LABOUR-STUDIES(a)jiscmail.ac.uk" <
CRITICAL-LABOUR-STUDIES(a)jiscmail.ac.uk>, "<
networkedlabour(a)lists.contrast.org>" <networkedlabour(a)lists.contrast.org>,
Asbjørn Wahl <Asbjorn.Wahl(a)velferdsstaten.no>, Dan Gallin <gli(a)iprolink.ch>,
Kim Scipes <kimscipes(a)earthlink.net>, Dave Hollis <
david.hollis(a)netzwerkit.de>, Marsha Niemeijer <marshapn(a)gmail.com>
*Peter sez...*
*There is so much I appreciate and agree with, and so little that I do not,
that I will have to take detailed issue with this important essay
elsewhere. For my own recent take on the international union organisations
and labour internationalism, however, see
https://www.dropbox.com/home?preview=IronCage4IFace221114.rtf
<https://www.dropbox.com/home?preview=IronCage4IFace221114.rtf>.*
*Now read on...*
[image: Solidarity]
Published on *Solidarity* (https://solidarity-us.org/site)
Against the Current <https://solidarity-us.org/site/epublish/1> > May/June
2015, No. 176 <https://solidarity-us.org/site/epublish/1/132> > The Crisis
of World Labor <https://solidarity-us.org/site/node/4424> > The Crisis of
World Labor
------------------------------
The Crisis of World Labor
— Marcel van der Linden
BOTH THE SIZE and composition of the world working class have changed
dramatically over the past four decades. But these massive shifts are not
reflected in the strength of workers’ organizations.
In what was traditionally called the global South, capital accumulation has
resulted in the fast growth of the number of wage-earners in industry,
building, services, and transport. A recent International Labor
Organization (ILO) study revealed that in the period 1980-2005, the labor
force in the Middle East and North Africa region had grown by 149%. In
Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean it had roughly doubled,
in South Asia it had increased by 73%, and in East and South East Asia by
60%. (Kapsos 2007)
Simultaneously, enormous shifts are taking place within separate regions.
An historic migration from the countryside to swelling megacities is under
way. In 2000, the Chinese Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security
estimated that there were 113 million migrant workers in the country. Ten
years later that number had more than doubled to 240 million, including 150
million working outside their home areas. Of those 150 million about 72%
were employed in manufacturing, construction, food and beverage, wholesale
and retail industries, and hospitality. (CLB 2012: 4)
In India, internal labor migration has exploded since the 1990s, the
temporary and seasonal migration rate being highest in poor regions like
Nagaland and Madya Pradesh. (Bhagat/Mohanty 2009)
Such shifts are often accompanied by an intensification of social
struggles. In Indonesia, the Konfederasi Serikat Pekerja Indonesia
(Indonesian Trade Union Confederation) organized a national strike on 3
October 2012, and a second one — demanding a 50% increase of the minimum
wage — on October 31 and November 1, 2013. These were not truly general
strikes, but they nevertheless were joined by many hundreds of thousands of
workers, especially in the Jakarta region. (International Viewpoint, 4
November 2013)
In India, on 20 and 21 February 2013, over 100 million workers across the
country struck for a list of demands including a living wage indexed to
inflation, universal food security, and equal pay for equal work.
(International Viewpoint, 2 March 2013) In China, the labor shortages that
began to emerge from 2004, led to a rapid growth of workers’ protests,
which have “not only increased in number but have shifted focus from a
reactive response to labour rights violations towards more proactive
demands for higher wages and improved working conditions.” (CLB 2012: 5)
The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences reported that there were more than
60,000 so-called ‘mass incidents’ (popular protests) in 2006 and over
80,000 in 2007. Since then, official figures have no longer been published
but experts believe that in recent years the number has further increased.
(CLB 2012: 9)
Following the beginning of the economic crisis more than thirty national
strikes occurred in Greece, while Spain and Portugal saw several general
strikes, including bi- and multi-national ones. The dramatic overthrow of
the Mubarak dictatorship in Egypt in 2011 could not have happened without
the labor movement’s strong support.(Beinin 2011) And in South Africa
massive and often violent strikes follow one another rapidly.
There is, however, a fundamental problem. The militancy of the workers has
not yet been consolidated in strong organizations. In fact, “old-style”
labor is in decline, and fundamental changes will be necessary before a
vibrant transnational union movement can be built.
The State of the Unions
The surest sign of organized working-class formation is the development of
trade unions and similar interest groups. Independent mass trade unions had
their origin in the 19th century, and exist today in large parts of the
world — although there are also major regions where they have almost no
influence.
The most striking example of a fast-growing capitalist economy without
independent trade unions is the People’s Republic of China. It hosts the
world’s largest workers’ organization, the All-China Federation of Trade
Unions (ACFTU) with 230 million members. This is not an independent union,
but rather a transmission belt for the Chinese Communist Party. Most of the
numerous labour conflicts in the People’s Republic take place not with the
support of, but despite the ACFTU. (Bai 2012)
The China Labour Bulletin calls the ACFTU “something of a lost cause at
present. In general, it lacks the tools and the strategies needed for a
timely and effective response to workers’ initiatives and is out of touch
with the realities of labour relations in China today.” (CLB 2014: 38)
In countries with independent workers’ organizations union density (union
members as percentage of the total labor force) generally has been
declining. Table 1 reconstructs the trends in 13 countries for the period
1920-2010. In 11 cases the high point lies in the past (between 1950 and
1990), although the situation is relatively stable in Canada and Norway. In
nine cases we can observe a clear downward trend.
The table might give the impression that the situation is more promising in
India or Indonesia. But remembering that union density is calculated for
the formal economy, which in the case of India for example covers about 8%
of the labor force, a union density of 41% thus boils down to 3.2% of the
total work force.
On a global scale union density is almost insignificant. Independent trade
unions organize only a small percentage of their target group worldwide,
and the majority of them live in the relatively wealthy North Atlantic
region.
By far the most important global umbrella organization is the International
Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), founded in 2006 as a merger of two older
organizations, the secular reform-oriented International Confederation of
Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the Christian World Confederation of Labor
(WCL).
In 2014 the ITUC estimated that about 200 million workers worldwide belong
to trade unions, and that 176 million of these are organized in the ITUC,(1)
<https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#N1> while the total number of
workers is roughly 2.9 billion (1.2 billion of them in the informal
economy). Therefore, global union density currently amounts to no more than
7%! (ITUC 2014: 8)
Quite a few factors contribute to this weakness. First, the composition of
the working class is changing. Unions find it difficult to organize
employees in the service or financial sector. The rapidly growing informal
economy is complicating things further, since workers change jobs
frequently, and have to earn their income under often very precarious
conditions.
Another important factor is what labor economist Richard Freeman has called
the “labor supply shock” that has manifested itself since the early 1990s.
Through the entry of Chinese, Indian, Russian and other workers into the
global economy, there has been an effective doubling of the number of
workers producing for international markets over the past two decades.
A decline in the global capital/labor ratio shifts the balance of power in
markets away from wages paid to workers and toward capital, as more workers
compete for working with that capital. [...] Even considering the high
savings rate in the new entrants — the World Bank estimates that China has
a savings rate of 40% of GDP — it will take 30 or so years for the world to
re-attain the capital/labor ratio among the countries that had previously
made up the global economy. Having twice as many workers and nearly the
same amount of capital places great pressure on labor markets throughout
the world. This pressure will affect workers in the developing countries
who had traditionally participated in the global economy, as well as
workers in advanced countries. (Freeman 2010)
Secondly, significant economic shifts have taken place. The growth of
foreign direct investment in the core countries and the semi-periphery of
the world economy has been impressive, and transnational corporations and
multi-state trading blocs (EU, NAFTA, Mercosur, etc.) have multiplied.
Brazil, India and especially China are important new players who change the
rules of the game. This is accompanied by new supranational institutions,
such as the World Trade Organization, established in 1995.
Thirdly, the old-style unions have to face more and more competition from
alternative structures. In Brazil, South Africa, the Philippines or South
Korea new, often militant, workers’ movements (social movement unions) have
emerged. (Scipes 2014) New forms of rank-and-file trade unionism outside
the established channels appeared since the 1970s, with international
connections at the shop-floor level “bypassing altogether the secretariats,
which they see as too often beholden to the bureaucracies of their various
national affiliates.” (Herod 1997: 184)
A well-known example is the Transnational Information Exchange (TIE), a
center in which a substantial number of research and activist labor groups
exchange information on TNCs. Another example is the “counter foreign
policy” existing since the early 1980s in the AFL-CIO. (Spalding 1992) I
should also mention the increasing number of activities carried out by
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that should in theory be the
responsibility of the international trade union movement, such as the
struggle to regulate and abolish child labor.
The ineffectiveness of old-style unions is underlined by the growing
tendency on the part of Global Unions (formerly called international trade
secretariats) to engage in the direct recruitment of members in the
periphery. Think, for example, of the activities of the Union Network
International (the Global Union for the service sector) relating to IT
specialists in India. (Süddeutsche Zeitung, 8-9 September 2001)
The Fate of Workers’ Parties
Another expression of class formation is political in nature. Labor, Social
Democratic, and Communist parties are generally considered to be political
representatives of the working class.
The oldest parties, the Social Democratic and Labor parties, electorally
are not doing very well. Most reached their apex between 1940 and 1989;
Switzerland was earlier (1930s), while Portugal was later (early 21st
century). The only exception (until recently) is the Brazilian Partido dos
Trabalhadores.(2) <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#N2>
More important is though, that this family of parties is struggling with a
fundamental identity problem. Social Democratic and Labor policies have
since the 1930s-40s been based on two pillars: social Keynesianism and a
specific “red” party subculture with its own sports associations, women’s
clubs, organizations for nature lovers, consumer cooperatives, newspapers,
theatre groups, and the like.
The sociocultural and economic reversal since the 1960s-70s toppled both
“pillars.” The parties’ subcultural networks fell to pieces and social
Keynesianism became less feasible. A great many challenges had to be met
more or less simultaneously. Traditional centralism had to be reconciled
with basic democratic movements and feminism with the conventional
androcentric culture.
Moreover, the environmental movement needed to be taken seriously without
abandoning the pursuit of economic growth (the condition for social
redistribution in a capitalist context). Generalized confusion resulted in
a tremendous increase of floating voters; ageing and decreasing membership
numbers; and the virtual disappearance of active proletarian members.
Paradoxically, this loss of identity explains the explosive growth of the
umbrella organization, the Socialist International. Since the 1970s the
number of countries with SI members has more than doubled. This is
especially remarkable since the membership of the SI was rather stable
during the preceding decades. In the years 1951-1976 the number of
affiliated parties had always fluctuated between 34 (at the foundation in
Frankfurt) and 39. (van der Linden 2006)
Most of the parties which joined the SI after 1976 did not fit the
organization´s old profile. Before the mid-1970s nobody would have
considered ex-guerilla movements like the Popular Movement for the
Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the Sandinista National Liberation Front
(FSLN), or the autocratic Democratic Action in Venezuela as Social
Democratic parties. Such organisations could find a home within the SI
because its profile was fading.
This dilution became official when the SI adopted a new “Declaration of
Principles” at the 18th Congress in Stockholm in 1989, which acknowledges
the existence of “differences” in members´ “cultures and ideologies” but
emphasizes at the same time that the SI´s core values (peace, freedom,
justice and solidarity) “originate in the labour movement, popular
liberation movements, cultural traditions of mutual assistance, and
communal solidarity in many parts of the world.” (
www.socialistinternational.org/4Principles)
In short, the Socialist International could grow so dramatically only
because the classical Social Democratic parties were in a deep identity
crisis.
Communist parties are the second major political form. The large majority
of them were born or grew significantly in three waves: during the five
years from mid-1918 to 1923, in the aftermath of the October Revolution; in
the 1930s, as a response to the economic depression; and immediately after
the Second World War.
Some parties still have a rather solid, be it often small, base, such as
the ones in Portugal, Spain, and Greece. These parties all developed under
right-wing dictatorships and are characterized by their intransigence .
Similarly, the influential South African Communist Party still has a
significant influence on the politics of the African National Congress.
But for most parties the high point was in the 1940s. Now, in quite a few
countries the parties have been dissolved after electoral decline, splits
or financial bankruptcy. This has for example been the case in Britain
(dissolved 1991), Italy (disbanded 1991), Finland (bankrupt 1992), Brazil
(internal coup and split, 1992). Other parties have gone through mergers,
e.g. in Mexico (founding of the Unified Socialist Party, 1981), Denmark
(formation of the Red-Green Alliance in 1989) and in the Netherlands
(founding of the Green Left Party in 1989).
Even the CPI-M (the Communist Party of India Marxist) in West-Bengal, which
got a majority of the votes in a whole series of elections (1971, 1980,
1989-2004) has now been reduced to a minor player (two out of 42 seats!)
because of its violent neoliberal policies.
Causes of Trade Unionism’s Weakness
My hypothesis is that both old-style trade-unionism and old-style workers’
parties as described above can no longer cope with the challenges offered
by the contemporary world. Globalization and neoliberal challenges require
new policies and practices that they apparently cannot offer. Hence their
crisis. Here, I will only try to substantiate this critique for the unions,
not for the parties (this I’ve partly done in van der Linden 2003: 95-116).
(3) <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#N3>
I see at least two major difficulties. For a start, the historical
trajectory of trade unions is, like that of other organizations, to a
significant extent shaped by their founding moment. As Arthur Stinchcombe
observed half a century ago:
“The organizational inventions that can be made at a particular time in
history depend on the social technology available at the time.
Organizations which have purposes that can be efficiently reached with the
socially possible organizational forms tend to be founded during the period
in which they become possible. Then, both because they can function
effectively with these organizational forms, and because these forms tend
to become institutionalized, the basic structure of the organization tends
to remain relatively stable.” (Stinchcombe 1965: 153; also Scoville 1973:
74)
Early trade unions in Europe and North America were mostly the creations of
highly skilled male white workers, who had only one boss at the same time,
were relatively powerful on the shop floor, and attempted to establish
collective bargaining. This proved to be an exceptionally successful model
that later on also inspired other sections of the working classes (women,
Blacks, low-skilled).
It became the norm for trade unions across the globe. But the specific
historic context in which this model had been constructed was forgotten, so
that “a naïve belief in the universal applicability of some form of
collective bargaining’”(Sturmthal 1973: 5) became more or less universal.
Adolf Sturmthal (1973: 9) listed a series of conditions for “a genuine
collective bargaining system,” including “a legal and political system
permitting the existence and functioning of reasonably free labor
organizations” and the requirement that “unions be more or less stable,
reasonably well organized, and fairly evenly matched with the employers in
bargaining strength.” However:
“Effective unions have rarely if ever been organized by ‘non-committed’
workers, i.e. casual workers who change jobs frequently, return
periodically to their native village, and have no specific industrial
skill, even of a very simple kind. Yet even fully committed industrial
workers with little or no skill are capable of engaging in effective
collective bargaining only under certain conditions which are rarely found.
In most (though by no means all) newly industrializing countries, large
excess supplies of common labor are available for nonagricultural work. Not
only are unskilled workers rarely capable of forming unions of their own
under such conditions; if they succeed in doing so, their unions have
little or no bargaining power.” (Sturmthal 1973: 10)
This is probably the crux of the matter. In the advanced capitalist
countries, standard employment relations that had become dominant in the
1940s-70s are gradually broken down, while casual and informal labor was
always the norm in Africa, Asia and Latin America. (van der Linden 2014;
Breman/van der Linden 2014)
Another difficulty is that old-style trade unions, having also become more
or less ingrained with the nation-states where they originated, find it
very difficult to cope with the transnationalization of capital.
Globalization has stimulated new forms of cross-border organizing that
challenge traditional organizational models.
Already in the mid-1960s the growing influence of TNCs stimulated the
setting up of World Corporation Councils, notably in the chemical and
automobile industries. Although many trade union militants had high
expectations of these new bodies, their effectiveness has been rather less
than anticipated, owing to the conflicting interests of employees in
different countries. (Tudyka 1986; Bendiner 1987; Olle/Schoeller 1987)
The formation of trading blocs implied a certain equalization of legal and
political parameters, so that the building of transnational trade union
structures within each bloc was an obvious step. This collaboration is
usually not evolving primarily at the top level of national trade-union
confederations, but at the sub-national or branch level. In many cases,
institutions other than trade unions (such as religious and human rights
organizations) are also partners in projects of this kind. Examples include
the 1980s Coalition for Justice in the Maquiladores, the Comité Frontizero
de Obreras, and La Mujer Obrera. (Armbruster 1995: 80-2; Borgers 1996:
81-5; Carr 1999)
Equally worthy of note in this context is the Council of Ford Workers,
founded by the United Auto Workers (Bina/Davis 1993: 165-6). Joint actions
against TNCs by trade unions representing particular occupations in
different countries (e.g. coal miners, electrical workers) have become much
more frequent over the past two decades as well. (Herod 1995: 342;
Armbruster 1995)
When the French car-maker Renault announced the closure of its Belgian
factory in February 1997, solidarity strikes and demonstrations were
organized in France, Spain, Portugal and Slovenia, giving birth to the new
term “Euro-strike.” (Imig/Tarrow 2001) While trade unions support such
actions, they frequently do not play a leading role in them.
According to Stinchcombe (1965: 154), “an examination of the history of
almost any type of organization shows that there are great spurts of
foundation of organizations of the type, followed by periods of relatively
slower growth, perhaps to be followed by new spurts, generally of a
fundamentally different kind of organization in the same field.” It might
well be, that the great spurt of old-style unions has by now almost
exhausted itself and that a next spurt with a new type of unionism is “in
the air.”(4) <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#N4>
Prospects for Revitalized Transnational Unionism
What are the challenges that a renewed trade unionism will have to face?
First, it will have to develop a clear vision of where to go.
Revitalization requires convincing policy proposals expressing solidarity
between different segments of the working class within and between
countries and continents.
Second, there is the changing composition of the world working class. Until
now workers’ organizations of OECD countries have dominated the
International Trade Union Confederation. But their share in the world labor
force is shrinking. More and more wage-earners live in Asia, Africa, and
Latin America. And an increasing proportion of these workers is female
(Table 2).
More than 40% of the world working class (1.2 of 2.9 billion employees) is
active in the informal economy, and they have virtually no presence in the
old-style union movements.
New forms of trade unionism will have to target this changing working
class. The first-phase demarcation of the working classes was extremely
narrow and eurocentric, and needs to be revised and expanded. (Antunes
2013: 80-95) There can be no doubt that the newly defined target group
should no longer be dominated by white male workers in the North Atlantic
region, but by women and people of color, many in forms of hidden
wage-labor, precarious jobs, or debt bondage. Trade unions in the periphery
and semi-periphery are sometimes abandoning the old demarcations, and have
begun to recruit all kinds of “non-traditional” workers.
A broadened definition of the target group will necessarily lead to a
drastic change of unions’ operational systems, in order to assist these
workers to further their interests effectively. This also implies ending
the strong emphasis on collective bargaining strategies.(Hensman 2001) It’s
quite possible that mutualist arrangements should be given priority in many
cases, that is organizational forms focusing on mutual insurance against
sickness, disability, and unemployment that were so prominent in 18th- and
19th-century European and North American labor movements. (van der Linden
2008: 109-31)
Much can probably be learned from the “occupational unionism” that preceded
the industrial unionism of the 20th century. (Cobble/Vosko 2000) Jeffrey
Harrod sees “the beginnings of collective organisations aimed at materially
improving conditions but not based directly on work and production
factors.” He mentions, for example, “extra-economic” networks of unemployed
Japanese youths whose social activity is centered on internet cafes; and
Indian groups of casual workers pressuring the state for greater
protection. (Harrod 2014: 13-14)
Some old-style unions already try to open up to such developments, albeit
hesitantly. In Italy, the trade-union confederations CGIL and CISL have
created special structures for the representation of “atypical” workers;
and the Austrian employees’ union GPA now also enrolls “dependent
self-employed workers.” (Cella 2012: 180)
A final necessary change concerns organizational structures and cultures.
First, the dual structure of the international trade union movement —
collaboration of national confederations plus Global Unions — is a
problematic relic of the past and likely to be discarded. Probably the best
option would be a new unitary structure facilitating the inclusion of the
“new” target groups in the international trade secretariats.
Second, the somewhat autocratic approach prevailing in the present-day
international trade union movement will need to be replaced by a democratic
approach, and greater participation of the rank-and-file workers. The
possibilities offered by the internet are a positive contribution to a
renewed structure of this kind. (Lee 1997)
Third and most importantly, new methods of collective action, especially
across borders, have to be deployed. While lobbying governments and
transnational organizations has to date been the principal activity of the
international trade union movement (with the notable exception of the
anti-apartheid campaign of the 1980s), and efforts are made to cultivate
the good will of states (Greenfield 1989), effective action requires much
greater effort in active measures such as boycotts, strikes, and so on,
which in turn demands a substantial strengthening of the internal
structures.
As Dimitris Stevis (1998: 66) has rightly observed, international labor
organizations are “not simply sleeping giants, but fundamentally weak
intersocietal federations.”
The question is whether the existing international trade union movement can
meet these challenges. It is likely that a new spurt in union development
will be a difficult process, interspersed with failed experiments and
moments of deep crisis. Organizational structures and patterns of behavior
that have existed for over a century are not easily changed.
Moreover, it is highly unlikely that new structures and patterns will be
shaped through reforms from above, through the central leadership. If there
is one thing that history has taught us, it is that trade union structures
almost never develop smoothly by means of piecemeal engineering. They are
generally the outcome of conflicts and risky experiments.
Pressure from below through competitive networks, alternative action
models, etc. will be a highly important factor in deciding that outcome.
What forms those pressures will take, and whether they will be sufficient
to bring about major changes, no one can say yet with any certainty.
Notes
1. This calculation is probably misleading. A significant, but unknown,
part of the union membership consists of pensioners.
back to text <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#R1>
2. The PT’s success could be a statistical artifact. Between 2000 and
2009 there have been two elections for the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies.
In 2002 the PT achieved its highest result ever (18.4%), but the average
for the decennium was lowered by the bad result of 2006 (15.0%). While PT
won 16.9% of the vote in 2010, in the 2014 election their vote for the
Chamber of Deputies fell to 14.0%.
back to text <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#R2>
3. The chances that successful new workers’ parties will be established
soon seem rather slim. Eric Hobsbawm once famously pointed out, that
workers’ parties with a mass following emerged mainly in one specific
historical period, namely between the 1880s and the 1930s. “These parties,
or their lineal successors, are still in being and often influential, but
where they did not already exist, or the influence of socialists/communists
was significant in labor movements before World War II, hardly any such
parties have emerged out of the working classes since then, notably in the
so-called `Third World.’” (Hobsbawm 1984: 60) The most important
exception to this rule was the founding of the Workers’ Party in Brazil in
1980, which gained a significant following. It is not possible to exclude
the possibility that the Brazilian experience will be repeated in other
places, but at the moment there are no grounds for assuming that this will
happen. For now it seems that trade unions will have to rely entirely on
their own strength.
back to text <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#R3>
4. Perhaps we could consider this whole process as an example of “the
handicap of a headstart” or of uneven and combined development. See van der
Linden 2007.
back to text <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#R4>
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------------------------------
*Source URL:* https://solidarity-us.org/site/node/4424
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Itinerary of a Long-Distance Internationalist.
<http://snuproject.wordpress.com/2015/01/02/1987-e-reader-ed-by-peter-waterm…>http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism
_to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/
<http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism_to_the_global_emanci…>
(Free).
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<http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/>
* <http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/>*
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(ed), Peter Waterman (co-ed), The Movement of Movements:
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Ongoing. Blog: http://www.unionbook.org/profile/peterwaterman.???. Needed:
a Global Labour Charter Movement (2005-Now!)
<http://interfacejournal.nuim.ie/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Interf…>
8. 2011. Under, Against, Beyond: Labour and Social Movements Confront a
Globalised, Informatised Capitalism
<http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/under-against-beyond/>(2011) (c. 1,000
pages of Working Papers, free, from the 1980's-90's).
_______________________________________________
NetworkedLabour mailing list
NetworkedLabour(a)lists.contrast.org
http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour
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Subject: open ag video series
To: Michel Bauwens <michel(a)p2pfoundation.net>, Michel Bauwens <
michelsub2004(a)gmail.com>
http://openagriculture.weebly.com/archived-presentations.html
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Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org
P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net
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Dear Kevin, thanks for helping to diffuse this, eventually via the p2p blog
?
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Marilyn Mehlmann <marilyn(a)globalactionplan.com>
Date: Mon, Jun 1, 2015 at 8:21 PM
Subject: Care to Eat ??
To: Friends of Global Action Plan 3 <mmehlmann(a)gmail.com>
Dear friends,
Would you CARE TO EAT? That’s a question many of you have heard in my
kitchen!
You may have seen that, on the request of member organizations last year,
we’ve been busy developing a program focused on FOOD: food and health, food
waste, and food, climate & environment. What we found is actually shocking,
and underlines the need for a GAP-type program in this area.
Our ambition is that GAP member organizations will be able to offer
communities a Food-Wise Community program, to begin changing the whole
picture of how food is supplied, used and disposed of. In the meantime we
propose a book:
Care to Eat: Re-establishing healthy food habits
We’re well on the way, but short of funds for publishing. So for the first
time, we're trying crowd-funding. Exciting! Especially as the appeal is now
OPEN, here <http://startsomegood.com/care2eat>! How can you help?
· We need money to finish and publish the book – any amount is welcome.
· Circulate this appeal widely, and post on social media: use #care2eat
· Join the Care to Eat group on Facebook
<https://www.facebook.com/groups/1476942359263160/?fref=ts>, add your own
comments
· If you have connections with professional chefs who might be
supportive, please put us in touch
HERE’S THE LINK AGAIN: <http://startsomegood.com/care2eat> read it, do it,
be part of it! NOTE that you will pay nothing now: the amount you pledge is
taken from your account only when it's sure that we will receive a minimum
to enable us to publish the book - the so-called 'tipping point'.
The ‘rewards’ listed are not the only ones: we have a number of extra books
and other expressions of appreciation, especially for the early birds.
Do let us know if you have any questions or comments. Many thanks in
advance!
Marilyn*
Contributions pledged within the next week are especially welcome, as
experience shows that potential contributors are motivated when they see
the progress already made.
This is the address of our project on StartSomeGood…
<http://startsomegood.com/care2eat>
M*
Out on the edge you see all kinds of things
you can’t see from the center. – Kurt Vonnegut
*************************************************
Marilyn Mehlmann <http://marilynmehlmann.net/>
Head of development and training
Global Action Plan (GAP) International <http://www.globalactionplan.com/>
secretariat(a)globalactionplan.com
*Learning for Change now out as iBook!
<https://itunes.apple.com/us/book/learning-for-change/id611746319?ls=1>*
twitter @GAPmarilyn <http://twitter.com/#%21/GAPMarilyn>
*************************************************
--
Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org
P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net
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Fwd: [c&f] Vidéo de la conférence de Fred Turner à Paris le 18 décembre 2014 (interprète : Laurent Vannini)
by Michel Bauwens 01 Jun '15
by Michel Bauwens 01 Jun '15
01 Jun '15
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Hervé Le Crosnier <herve(a)cfeditions.com>
Date: 2015-06-02 0:10 GMT+07:00
Subject: [c&f] Vidéo de la conférence de Fred Turner à Paris le 18 décembre
2014 (interprète : Laurent Vannini)
To: "cetf(a)cfeditions.com" <cetf(a)cfeditions.com>
Bonjour,
Laurent Vannini, le traducteur du livre de Fred Turner "Aux sources
de l'utopie numérique" a réalisé une version doublée en français de la
vidéo issue de la conférence donnée le 18 décembre 2014 à l'EHESS.
Cette vidéo doublée a été mise en ligne par l'EHESS (École des
Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales) :
http://www.canal-u.tv/video/ehess/vf_aux_sources_de_l_utopie_numerique_de_l…
La venue à Paris de Fred Turner, organisée par Olivier Alexandre
(EHESS) et Larissa Dryansky (INHA), a été l'occasion de deux conférences et
de nombreux articles de presse et interventions dans les médias (liste
ci-dessous).
La conférence de l'EHESS, introduite par Olivier Alexandre,
Dominique Cardon et Monique Dagnaud, a été l'occasion pour Fred Turner de
revenir sur l'histoire de la cyberculture. Il nous a présenté ce soir là
l'histoire d'une partie de la contre-culture (ceux qu'il appelle les
néo-communalistes) et sa rencontre avec l'informatique.
On retrouvera par ailleurs Fred Turner interviewé chez lui à
Stanford dans l'émission de BFMTV "Tech & Co" consacrée à "L'écosystème des
start-up dans la Silicon Valley"
http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x2qq4ne_le-bonus-tech-co-l-ecosysteme-des-…
(l'émission vaut le coup de regarder en entier. L'interview de Fred
Turner est de 2'56 à 4'36)
Je pense que vous aurez compris que le livre de Fred Turner est une
référence indispensable pour comprendre l'émergence du numérique... Il
devrait figurer dans toutes les bonnes bibliothèques, et s'il n'est pas
près de chez vous, n'hésitez pas à en parler à votre bibliothécaire favori.
Sincèrement,
Hervé Le Crosnier
Références :
------------
Présentation du livre "Aux sources de l'utopie numérique" :
http://cfeditions.com/Turner
-----
Des médias de masse à la révolution numérique
La Vie des Idées, 13 mars 2015, Entretien avec Fred Turner par Olivier
Alexandre (Entretien traduit par Laurent Vannini, traducteur du livre Aux
sources de l'utopie numérique. Olivier Alexandre a été la cheville ouvrière
de l'invitation de Fred Turner à Paris en décembre dernier)
http://www.laviedesidees.fr/Des-medias-de-masse-a-la-revolution-numerique.h…
-----
Fred Turner, l’utopie numérique : De l’antifascisme à la cyberculture en
passant par la contre-culture
http://www.culturemobile.net/visions/fred-turner-utopie-numerique
Interview de Fred Turner par Ariel Kyrou
(avec une vidéo sous-titrée + article d'Ariel Kyrou + version audio de
l'interview complète + transcription pdf : du très bon travail éditorial).
-----
Fred Turner: «Pour lutter contre le nazisme, ils ont voulu produire un
homme total, rationnel».
Libération, 27 février 2015, interview par Marie Lechner
http://www.liberation.fr/culture/2015/02/27/pour-lutter-contre-le-nazisme-i…
-----
Le multimédia, un instrument politique «made in USA».
Médiapart, 05 janvier 2015. Interview par Joseph Confavreux (avec
d'excellentes illustrations)
http://www.mediapart.fr/journal/culture-idees/050115/le-multimedia-un-instr…
-----
L’antipolitique, péché originel de la Silicon Valley,
Le Monde, 19 février 2015. Interview de Fred Turner par Marc-Olivier Bherer
http://lemonde.fr/pixels/article/2015/02/19/l-antipolitique-peche-originel-…
-----
Du Bauhaus à la Silicon Valley : une archéologie des médias
France Culture, 27 décembre 2014. Excellente interview audio par Sylvain
Bourmeau (traduite en simultané par Xavier Combes)
http://www.franceculture.fr/emission-la-suite-dans-les-idees-du-bauhaus-a-l…
-----
La France, nouvel éden des déçus de la Silicon Valley
Le Temps (Genève). Article de réflexion très intéressant par Monique
Dagnaud sur le discours de Fred Turner à Paris... et ses mythes.
http://www.letemps.ch/Page/Uuid/ad502018-c8c5-11e4-959d-74804f4bcbe7/La_Fra…
-----
Fred Turner : Google, Uber et l’idéologie de la Silicon Valley en treize
mots
Rue89, 21 décembre 2014. Interview par Xavier de La Porte
http://rue89.nouvelobs.com/2014/12/21/fred-turner-google-uber-lideologie-si…
-----
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Worker Co-ops for Young People: Create Your Own Work
4 – 5 July, 10am – 4pm
Chapel in the Garden, Bridport. Dorset UK £75
This interactive workshop facilitated by Rhiannon Colvin and Constance
Laisné will empower young people (18-29 year olds - but flexible!) to
take control of their future by learning how to set up co-operative
businesses. With high youth unemployment, unpaid internships and
exploitative labour market, co-ops enable youth to create their own
work. Work that allows them to generate a fair income, do what they love
and have a positive social impact.
Rhiannon founded AltGen when she got tired of applying for endless
unpaid internships and decided young people could create something
better if they started working together. She also believes in empowering
people through education.
Constance is passionate about encouraging collaborative forms of
creative work. For her, joining AltGen was a means of moving towards
this aim within an organisation that shares her values and ethics.
AltGen.org.uk @AltGen101
All the Best,
Jonny Gordon-Farleigh
Editor
STIR Magazine
www.stirtoaction.com
Buy our Winter Issue 2015
m: 07967781905
t: @stirtoaction
--
Please direct P2P Foundation related mail to kevin(a)p2pfoundation.net
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