[P2P-F] Fwd: [Networkedlabour] Fwd: Since 2005, Amazon has helped create one of the most exploited workforces no one has ever seen.

Tue Feb 11 14:06:00 CET 2014

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Date: Mon, Feb 10, 2014 at 10:00 PM
Subject: [Networkedlabour] Fwd: Since 2005, Amazon has helped create one of
the most exploited workforces no one has ever seen.
To: Networked Labour <wordpress at networkedlabour.net>,
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---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Sid Shniad <shniad at gmail.com>
Date: Mon, Feb 10, 2014 at 6:41 PM
Subject: Since 2005, Amazon has helped create one of the most exploited
workforces no one has ever seen.
To:

*http://www.thenation.com/article/178241/how-crowdworkers-became-ghosts-digital-machine#
<http://www.thenation.com/article/178241/how-crowdworkers-became-ghosts-digital-machine#>
*

*The Nation     February 4, 2014*How Crowdworkers Became the Ghosts in the
Digital Machine

*Since 2005, Amazon has helped create one of the most exploited workforces
no one has ever seen.Moshe Z. Marvit*

In 2007, Stephanie Costello had a boring office job with a lot of downtime
that she spent online. She recalls the day she read one of those articles
on MSN.com that have become a staple of the Internet: how to make extra
money online. These types of articles often appear in the soft-news
sections of MSN, Yahoo and other sites, usually with the message that there
is money being left on the table. Costello was intrigued at the prospect of
cutting through the boredom of her day with the opportunity to pick up a
little extra cash. She went to the website, Mechanical Turk, where
companies can post tiny tasks and workers can find and perform them online.
It was free to register--no call for an "investment" up front, which
indicated that it was not on its face a scam. And she began making money
immediately. Very small amounts of money.

Costello is a trailblazer of sorts. She was one of the early workers to
join Mechanical Turk, the first online, crowd-based, micro-labor platform.
In her telling, she sounds like an alcoholic describing her first drink. It
was fun at first--and when it became less than fun, it was still useful, if
only to get through the week. But six years later, it has become a serious
problem, and not just for Costello.

Mechanical Turk is the innovation behind "crowdworking," the low-wage
virtual labor phenomenon that has reinvented piecework for the digital age.
Created by Amazon in 2005, it remains one of the central platforms--markets,
really--where crowd-based labor is bought and sold. As many as 500,000
"crowdworkers" power the Mechanical Turk machine, while millions more (no
one knows how many exactly) fuel competitor sites like CrowdFlower,
Clickworker, CloudCrowd and dozens of smaller ones. On any given day, at
any given minute, these workers perform millions of tiny tasks for
companies both vast (think Twitter) and humble. Though few of these people
have any sense of their finished work product, what they're doing is
helping to power the parts of the Internet that most of us take for granted.

Currently, computers are very good at certain sorts of tasks, such as
identifying spelling errors, processing raw data and calculating financial
figures. However, they are less able to perform others, such as detecting a
positive or negative bias in an article, recognizing irony, accurately
reading the text off a photograph of a building, determining if something
is NSFW (not safe for work) or discerning among ambiguous search results.
This is where the "crowd" comes in. In the current iteration of
crowdworking, individuals are tasked with those parts of a job that a
computer cannot perform. This work is used both to fill in the blanks and
to train the computer algorithm to do a better job in the future.

Crowdworking is often hailed by its boosters as ushering in a new age of
work. With the zeal of high-tech preachers, they cast it as a space in
which individualism, choice and self-determination flourish. "CrowdFlower,
and others in the crowdsourcing industry, are bringing opportunities to
people who never would have had them before, and we operate in a truly
egalitarian fashion, where anyone who wants to can do microtasks, no matter
their gender, nationality, or socio-economic status, and can do so in a way
that is entirely of their choosing and unique to them," asserts Lukas
Biewald, the CEO of CrowdFlower, in an e-mail exchange. (CrowdFlower claims
to have "among the largest, if not the largest, crowd" available, with
roughly 100,000 workers completing tasks on any given day.)

But if you happen to be a low-end worker doing the Internet's grunt work, a
different vision arises. According to critics, Amazon's Mechanical Turk may
have created the most unregulated labor marketplace that has ever existed.
Inside the machine, there is an overabundance of labor, extreme competition
among workers, monotonous and repetitive work, exceedingly low pay and a
great deal of scamming. In this virtual world, the disparities of power in
employment relationships are magnified many times over, and the New Deal
may as well have never happened.

As Miriam Cherry, one of the few legal scholars focusing on labor and
employment law in the virtual world, has explained: "These technologies are
not enabling people to meet their potential; they're instead exploiting
people." Or, as CrowdFlower's Biewald told an audience of young tech types
in 2010, in a moment of unchecked bluntness: "Before the Internet, it would
be really difficult to find someone, sit them down for ten minutes and get
them to work for you, and then fire them after those ten minutes. But with
technology, you can actually find them, pay them the tiny amount of money,
and then get rid of them when you don't need them anymore."

* * *

Amazon created Mechanical Turk in 2005, a decade into its rise from online
bookstore to massive virtual mall. Even in its early stages, Mechanical
Turk was a "Jeff project," meaning that Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos took a
special interest in it and worked closely with the project managers. By
that time, Bezos and his team had already perfected the model that has made
Amazon a tech-age giant: catering to customers, undercutting competitors
and treating workers poorly. With Mechanical Turk, they further refined
this approach, but with a twist: instead of exploiting labor to sell goods
to an avid public, they created a system to sell labor itself, cheaply, to
perform many millions of microtasks.

The name Mechanical Turk was not simply a whimsical choice by Bezos. The
original Mechanical Turk (also known simply as "the Turk") was a seemingly
groundbreaking invention: a chess-playing machine commissioned by the
Empress Maria Theresa of Austria in the early days of the Industrial
Revolution. In appearance, it was similar to the other automatons of the
era--a cabinet with a mannequin inside, performing some function usually
reserved for humans--but this one was dressed in "Oriental" garb, not unlike
the fortune-telling machine in the 1980s movie *Big*. Its mystical,
mysterious air was meant to appeal to Western Europe's conception of the
East; hence the name by which it came to be known.

The Mechanical Turk seemed to promise an age when automated devices could
attain the heights of human intellectual achievement--and it did so
exceptionally well, convincing observers and challengers for nearly a
century that a machine could play chess. In reality, however, the Turk was
nothing more than an elaborate ruse involving a man or woman sitting inside
the cabinet with an internal chessboard. The machine could approximate the
movements of a man playing chess, but it was necessary to have a person
inside to do what the machine could not.

If it was merely a hoax, then the Mechanical Turk would have been forgotten
as yet another eighteenth-century oddity. However, the device fit perfectly
into the creeping belief--replete with excitement and anxiety--that
mechanical labor (and maybe mechanical minds) could replace human labor and
agency.

The United States has been going through a similar period of excitement and
anxiety since at least the 1970s. Whereas some companies, like IBM, have
sought to create a supercomputer that can think as well as (or better than)
a human, Amazon invested instead in its own Mechanical Turk--something that
feels like a machine but really has people behind it. Instead of developing
the perfect computer, Amazon thought, it could just develop a way for
imperfect computers to "integrate a network of humans directly into their
processes," as the company wrote in its 2005 SEC filing. In doing so, it
opened the door to the weird world of crowdworking.

* * *

In 1911, the American engineer Frederick Taylor delivered a paper in which
he announced that workers' natural laziness and propensity for underworking
was "the greatest evil which the working-people of both England and America
are now afflicted." His solution was a system of "scientific management,"
wherein work would be divided into the smallest repeatable tasks and
assigned a time limit. The aggregate of these tasks would then become the
baseline for the workday, and "those who fail to rise to a certain standard
are discharged and a fresh supply of carefully selected men are given work
in their place."

Almost a century later, Amazon hit upon a similar approach to worker
productivity. Yet, whereas Taylor's genius was in super-charging the
assembly line by reducing all skilled work to tiny micro-tasks, the genius
of Mechanical Turk is in creating virtual assembly lines.

Here's how it works: the employers (called "Requesters") can be actual
humans or a computer program running a script that automatically outsources
any task it cannot perform to the crowd. The Requesters place microtasks
(called "Human Intelligence Tasks," or HITs) on Amazon's Mechanical Turk
website and offer non-negotiable contracts with a take-it-or-leave-it rate
for each HIT. The Turkers (officially called "Providers") perform only
small microtasks over and over, rarely getting a glimpse of the whole.
Using keyword searches for HITs, New York University professor Panagiotis
Ipeirotis found that among the most numerous HITs were data collection,
transcription, searches, tagging, content review, categorization and other
similar tasks.

However, HITs can be any task that can be outsourced online. Many of the
features of the Internet that we take for granted come from paid
crowdworking. These include more efficient search results, transcriptions
of audio and video, reliable local business information, marketing spam and
other aspects of the Internet that just seem to be there. Crowdworkers also
engage in tasks that can make certain individuals' lives immeasurably
better, such as providing near-instantaneous information on their
surroundings for blind people with a smartphone and the right app.

A HIT typically includes a set of instructions, some quite involved, that
one must read and understand before performing the task. The Requesters can
set eligibility requirements. For example, they may restrict access to
those with "Master Qualifications"--a designation Amazon awards at its
discretion--that some have received after performing at least 50,000 HITs at
an exceptionally high approval rate. Or the Requester may exclude certain
workers, such as those from India, because in the world of online
crowdworking, they are thought of as inferior workers.

Requesters can engage in such broad exclusions because the Civil Rights Act
does not touch upon these workers. In fact, most of the hard-won worker
protections of the twentieth century do not apply to Turkers. Some critics
worry that even prohibitions on child labor are being flouted. This is
because it is not clear how well some sites enforce requirements that users
must be over 18 to perform HITs. Moreover, many crowdworkers are paid in
gaming credits, which may be used to intentionally lure children into
performing cheap labor. The payment offered for HITs ranges from nothing to
a few dollars to payment in virtual currencies, with most HITs falling on
the low end of the scale. As a result, it is estimated that the average
wage of Turkers is approximately $2 an hour. For access to this unregulated
labor pool, Amazon charges a 10 percent commission from the Requesters.

Crowdwork often takes place in the home, performed by people who are not
otherwise employed. A few have argued that the low pay may be the result of
longstanding gender inequities in society. The great majority of American
Turkers are women, and there is some indication that many of them are
careworkers, or caring for an elderly relative or young child.

Rachael Jones of Minnesota is an example of a careworker who Turks. She was
trained to assist neurosurgeons, but after a neck injury and surgery, she
could no longer work in that physically demanding field. In addition, Jones
wanted to stay home and take care of her children while her partner worked
outside the home. She is now a "very full-time" Turker and, after several
years during which she earned three Masters Qualifications and performed
110,000 HITs, she has been able to make approximately $8 per hour. When
asked for her thoughts on Turking, she responded, "I really love it." She
admits that "there are some times when it's really hard, and you're
scrounging and looking and the HITs that pay just aren't there." She'd like
the pay to be increased, but she also fears that any significant increase
could destroy the world of crowdworking. If that were to happen, she is
unsure what type of work she could do that would allow her to stay home
with her children.

Turkers are categorized as independent contractors, meaning that they are
not legally entitled to minimum wage, overtime pay, workers' compensation,
unemployment insurance or the various other statutory protections that
cover employees. The multi-page participation agreement that all Turkers
must consent to before entering the site specifies that the Turker is
neither an employee of the Requester nor of Mechanical Turk. Amazon defines
its role as being limited to "the capacity of a payment processor in
facilitating the transactions between Requesters and Providers" and claims
that it is "not responsible for the actions of any Requester or Provider."
Its agreement warns: "As a Requester or Provider, you use the Site at your
own risk."

After being reminded by Amazon of its lack of legal liability, one
aggrieved Turker was baffled at how the company could profit from conduct
that it hosts while saying it has no liability: "That's like saying someone
is running a slave market on my property, and they're paying me, but I have
no responsibility."

* * *

Aside from the handful of companies that run crowdworking platforms, no one
really knows who makes up the crowd. The most recent study of Turker
demographics, in 2010, found that the vast majority of Turkers-- 57
percent--were American, with Indians coming in second with 32 percent of the
workforce. American Turkers tended to be highly educated, with 63 percent
having college degrees, compared with the national average of 25 percent.
They were young, with a median age of 30, and 69 percent were female. The
crowd labor pool has grown considerably since Amazon created the platform,
and the extreme low-wage market seems to rely on competition among the
overabundance of workers.

The reasons people engage in Turking are varied. Several years ago,
Ipeirotis posted the question as a HIT on the Mechanical Turk site and
received responses as varied as "It kills time when I'm bored and restless"
to the need for income to get by. One person I spoke with explained that he
Turked just enough each day at his office job to pay for a sandwich from
Subway. However, there is a sizable group of workers who have come to rely
on Mechanical Turk as their primary source of income.

According to the limited Turker demographics available, Stephanie
Costello's story is all too common. Costello lives in a trailer at the edge
of a desert town in the Southwest. She is 50 and has an associate's degree
in nursing, but she has been unable to find suitable work as a nurse. In
2007, Costello was working at a boring office job and, in slow periods,
earning extra money by doing online surveys on Mechanical Turk. When she
lost her job at the start of the 2008 recession, she took to Turking full
time, often more. What started as a source of extra cash suddenly turned
into her main source of income. According to the 2010 study, Costello's
situation may be representative of approximately one in eight Turkers in
America, or one in five worldwide.

Costello describes full-time Turking as "feast or famine," but years of
Turking have diminished her view of the feast. In February 2013, she worked
approximately sixty hours a week searching for and performing HITs and made
approximately $150 per week--and that was the feast. The next month, she was
unable to find as many "good-paying" HITs and earned only about $50 per
week. She describes how she often stays up all night with the Mechanical
Turk screen open, because when people post a good batch of HITs, they go
quickly.

"Good-paying" has become a relative term. Costello refuses to work for 60
cents or even $1.20 an hour because those low amounts are "more undignified
than begging." However, at $2 per hour she starts to equivocate, and she
admits that she often works for that wage. Even those who describe making
decent money usually talk about earning $6 per hour, which is still below
the federal minimum wage.

Costello's story of being a full-time Turker who is barely holding on is
all too familiar in the world of crowdworkers. However, Costello believes
that Turking may one day change for the better, especially with worker
organization. Others, like Laura Henderson (a pseudonym to protect her
privacy), see no way out. Until 2004, Henderson had a career as a technical
trainer in the Pacific Northwest. When that work dried up, she got her
bachelor's degree and joined Teach for America, which assigned her to teach
math at a school in New York's South Bronx. Henderson was assigned to the
school midway through the year to replace a beloved teacher and had
problems right away. She lost her job and found herself alone in a new
city, in debt from the TFA experience and in search of yet another career.

She received unemployment compensation for a period, but for an over-50
worker in a recession, consistent work was hard to find. So Henderson
started Turking. "It sounded very interesting when I heard about it--wow,
crowdwork. I've always been into collaboration and working together and the
parts being greater than the whole," she says. But her enthusiasm quickly
waned. "When I started doing it, I realized that the pay is crap. I'm lucky
to get $2 per hour."

When I first interviewed her, Henderson was renting a small room in the
Bronx and described herself as "poor and despondent." In addition to her
earnings as a crowdworker, she received $200 a month in food stamps and
$180 a month in welfare. She was too poor to maintain a bank account, so
she had to spend her Mechanical Turk earnings on Amazon, which she called
"the company store." She was not unaware of the cruel irony that her
supplies were likely handled by an exploited worker in an Amazon warehouse
somewhere.

On the day I spoke with Henderson, she told me she was "irate" and unhappy
because she had just been rejected for a $5 HIT (unfairly, she felt), and
warned that she might not be coherent as a result. Henderson recognized
that $5 may not seem like a lot of money, but she added that living hand to
mouth in the anonymity of Mechanical Turk had made her "feral."

Henderson described being scammed as a relatively common occurrence.
Requesters get to keep the work product whether they officially "accept" or
"reject" the work. As a result, many Turkers have complained of being
denied payment through no fault of their own.

Henderson went further than most. She said that at first, she tried to get
other Turkers worked up about being scammed but found that her indignation
did not appear to be shared. "In our day and age, it's bread and circuses,"
she said. "People don't get angry anymore. I'm angry, but I can't get other
people to get angry."

Henderson then filed complaints with the Better Business Bureau, the
Federal Trade Commission, the Office of the New York Attorney General and
anyone else she thought might have jurisdiction over the matter. However,
because it is often impossible to know the identity of a given Requester,
Henderson also went after Amazon.

In a long response from Amazon's attorneys, the company explained that it
has no legal responsibility for Henderson not being paid the minimum wage,
or even not being paid at all for a completed task. The letter describes
Amazon's role as merely creating a marketplace and allowing Requesters and
Turkers to contract freely. The letter states that Amazon does not resolve
disputes between the parties and provides no warranties; it also maintains
that the company is released from all liabilities when each party checks
the box assenting to the participation agreement. The New York Attorney
General's Office forwarded the letter to Henderson and said there was
nothing it could do at the present time.

* * *

Lilly Irani takes issue with Amazon's description of its role in the
marketplace. She is one of the developers, along with Six Silberman, of
Turkopticon, an Internet browser plug-in and forum that allows Turkers to
rate Requesters and exchange important information about them in order to
"REPORT and AVOID shady employers." Irani argues that one of the
fundamental problems with Mechanical Turk and other crowdworking sites is
that they are not neutral market-places, as the sites claim, but are built
on an inherently exploitative model that privileges employers.

One example is the way the Turker has no leverage in the employment
relationship--an imbalance that is particularly pronounced in the set-up
that allows a Requester either to "accept" or "reject" a Turker's work.
These terms belong in quotation marks because, as mentioned earlier, the
Requester sees and retains the work product no matter which choice it
makes. If the Requester "accepts" the work, then it gets to keep the work
product and pays the Turker. If the Requester "rejects" the work, then it
gets to keep the work product without paying the Turker. The Requester does
not have to provide a reason for the rejection, and there is nothing a
Turker can do to challenge the decision other than to inquire and hope for
a response.

By "rejecting" work, the Requester not only deprives the Turker of payment,
but also affects the Turker's online reputation. Turkers are ostensibly
anonymous, identified only by a long string of numbers and letters, so all
they have is their Mechanical Turk reputation. Costello describes how, in
the beginning, she did thousands of HITs of any type simply to build her
approval rate, only to realize how easily it could be knocked back down.
"If you have a 99.8 percent approval rating and then you work for some
jack-wagon who rejects 500 of your HITs, you're toast," she says. "Because
for every rejection, you have to get 100 HITs that are approved to get your
rating back up. Do you know how long that takes? It can take months; it can
take years."

Out of this grind, online forums and worker sites such as Turkopticon,
TurkerNation, mturkforum, CloudMeBaby and Reddit have become the primary
locations for the crowdworkforce to talk about their working conditions.
However, the anonymity of Turking combined with the sharp edge of the
Internet have often made these forums as counterproductive to organizing as
they are productive in navigating the world of crowdwork.

TurkerNation is one of the oldest forums, and many Turkers have complained
about being arbitrarily banned from the site at the whim of the moderator,
Spamgirl. (Full disclosure: in researching this article, I was banned from
the site shortly after joining.) Spamgirl has described herself as "the
Hoffa of the Turkers! Trying to help the people." She allowed a thread
about Turkopticon, then in its early stages, to be hosted on the site
before taking it down for unknown reasons. Rachael Jones describes being
banned for getting into a Twitter tangle with a TurkerNation moderator.

Other sites like mturkforum and Turkopticon are more friendly, but some
have complained that there is little support from forum communities in
trying to better conditions or organize. It's not clear that any online
forum can serve as the basis for workers to find common cause and demand
better working conditions, especially when the workforce is anonymous and
in flux--or, in the parlance of crowdwork boosters, "flexible."

Some well-intentioned reformers envision magnanimous employers as the sole
source of changes that will make crowdworkers' lives better. This view was
on full display at a conference last year when eight prominent researchers
delivered an important paper titled "The Future of Crowd Work," framed
around the question, "Can we foresee a future crowd workplace in which we
would want our children to participate?" Of the many ideas that came out of
this paper, none included any type of worker self-help or organization.

That view is currently being challenged in what may turn out to be a
seminal class-action lawsuit filed in federal court in California.
Christopher Otey and Mary Greth, on behalf of themselves and "the World's
Largest Workforce," are arguing that crowdworkers are not simply
contractors, but employees of the crowdworking company. Otey and Greth
performed "simple repetitive online tasks for the benefit of CrowdFlower."
For their efforts, they were paid less than the $2 to $3 per hour that the
CEO of CrowdFlower has stated his workers make. Otey and Greth allege that
workers earn between $1 and $2 per hour, and that some are compensated in
online game credits, virtual money and enhanced video game capabilities.

The class may have as many as 4 million members, making it potentially one
of the largest employment class actions in history. If the plaintiffs
prevail, they will be categorized as employees of the crowdworking company
rather than as contractors, and will therefore be entitled to the host of
benefits and protections that employees receive. These include a minimum
wage and overtime, protections from discrimination, a legally protected
right to organize a union, workers compensation for injuries, unemployment
compensation for layoffs, certain whistleblower protections and others.

The case has advanced past several of the many preliminary hurdles facing
such an ambitious lawsuit; however, as this article goes to press, a
settlement motion has been submitted for the judge's approval. If the judge
finds that the terms of the settlement are fair to all members of the
class, then it is likely that another case will have to address whether the
millions of crowdworkers are entitled to the protections and pay of
employees.

Miriam Cherry, who was organizing an amicus brief by a group of labor law
professors before the settlement motion, fears that a judge may not
understand crowdwork and simply declare that the workers are contractors.
However, she also fears that a judge or legislature will simply regulate
crowdwork out of existence. "There's a lot of ways that things can go right
or things can go wrong, and it depends on cases like CrowdFlower to really
tell us if they're going to go right or if they're going to go wrong,"
Cherry says.

For her part, Jones fears the possibility that a judge could rule against
CrowdFlower and hold that she and others like her are employees. "It scares
me," she says. "I depend on this system. If things go the wrong way for
Crowdflower, this could really crush the crowdworking market."

Henderson could not wait for the resolution of this lawsuit. She has
recently stopped Turking because the wages are too low to sustain even her
life in a cheap room in the South Bronx. After four months chasing HITs,
she described herself as being "too tired to Turk for $2 per hour."

In mid-November, Henderson turned 53, and two weeks later, on December 1,
she moved into a homeless shelter. Presumably it does not have Wi-Fi, so
she wouldn't be able to Turk even if she wanted.

Read Next: *Gabriel Thompson details his life as a temp in California's
Inland Empire, the belly of the online shopping beast, in "The Workers Who
Bring You Black Friday
<http://www.thenation.com/article/177377/holiday-crush> [2].*"
  ------------------------------
*Source URL:*
http://www.thenation.com/article/178241/how-crowdworkers-became-ghosts-digital-machine

*Links:*
[1]
https://subscribe.thenation.com/servlet/OrdersGateway?cds_mag_code=NAN&amp;cds_page_id=122425&amp;cds_response_key=I12SART1<https://subscribe.thenation.com/servlet/OrdersGateway?cds_mag_code=NAN&cds_page_id=122425&cds_response_key=I12SART1>
[2] http://www.thenation.com/article/177377/holiday-crush

-- 

   1. *EBook, November 2012: Recovering Internationalism
   <http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/recovering_internationalism/>.  [A
   compilation of papers from the new millenium. Now free in two download
   formats] <http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/>
   <http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/>*
   2.
*EBook (co-editor), February 2013: World Social Forum: Critical
   Explorations http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/
   <http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/> *
   3. *Interface Journal Special (co-editor), November 2012: For the Global
   Emancipation of Labour <http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/>*
   4. *Blog: http://www.unionbook.org/profile/peterwaterman.
   <http://www.unionbook.org/profile/peterwaterman.> *
   5. *Interface Journal Special (Co-Editor) Social Movement
   Internationalisms. See Call for Papers <http://www.interfacejournal.net/>,
   (Deadline: May 1, 2014). *
   6.
*Needed: a Global Labour Charter Movement (2005-Now!)
   <http://interfacejournal.nuim.ie/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Interface-1-2-pp255-262-Waterman.pdf>*
   7. *Under, Against, Beyond: Labour and Social Movements Confront a
   Globalised, Informatised Capitalism
   <http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/under-against-beyond/>(2011) Almost 1,000
   pages of Working Papers, free, from the 1980 <1980>'s-90's.*
   8. *Google Scholar Citation Index:*
    *http://scholar.google.com.pe/citations?user=e0e6Qa4AAAAJ
   <http://scholar.google.com.pe/citations?user=e0e6Qa4AAAAJ> *

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