[P2P-F] Fwd: [Networkedlabour] a report on Kurdish women fighters in Kobane and their Feminism

Thu Oct 9 10:49:53 CEST 2014

excellent article, thanks Jakob, exactly what we need to explain the
importance of Kobane,

Kevin, thanks for adding this as an added explanation to our republishing
of the Graeber editorial, see
http://p2pfoundation.net/Autonomy_Region_Rojava

Michel
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Jakob Rigi <rigij at ceu.hu>
Date: Thu, Oct 9, 2014 at 4:44 AM
Subject: Re: [Networkedlabour] a report on Kurdish women fighters in Kobane
and their Feminism
To: michel at p2pfoundation.net
Cc: networkedlabour at lists.contrast.org, anna at shsh.co.uk

HE WAR IN SYRIA

A ‘Revolution’ under Attack – the Alternative in midst the War in Syria

Ulrike Flader

Ulrike is a PhD candidate in the Department of Sociology at the University
of Manchester. Her ethnographic research focusses on everyday resistance
practices of the Kurdish population in Turkey. Drawing from the notions of
power and resistance in the work of Michel Foucault and Judith Butler, she
analyses forms of everyday resistance against state policies of
assimilation. Although her ...
Full author profile. <http://www.movements.manchester.ac.uk/people/?aid=15>
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The most recent pictures of thousands of refugees fleeing from heavy
attacks of ISIS and making their way from Syria across the border to
Turkey, come from the area of Kobani – one of three cantons of the self-
proclaimed A*utonomy Region Rojava* in Northern Syria.

[image: Rojava-map]This region –  which consists of three geographically
disconnected enclaves along the Turkish border – strategically used the
deteriorating situation to declare self-rule in July 2012 and has since
been celebrated as the “Rojava Revolution”  within the Kurdish Movement
associated around the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). The population of
Rojava, which has long been a stronghold of the PKK, is predominantly made
up of Kurds – both Muslim and Yezidi[1] – as well as Arabs, Christian
Assyrians, Armenians, Turkmen and Chechens. The desire for some form of
self-determination especially among the Kurds was triggered through decades
of denial of basic citizenship rights under the Assad-regime.

This quiet revolution is, however, not a question of independence. It is
not the founding of yet another nation-state. Deliberately declaring itself
an *autonomy* *region* instead of a state, derived from the critique of
existing nation-states with their homogenising and exclusionary principals
of citizenship, centralism of government and non-democratic structures
under which the Kurds in Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Syria have suffered on the
one hand and the strategies of classic national liberation movements on the
other. This critique along with an alternative model of “democratic
autonomy” was brought forward by the imprisoned leader of the PKK, Abdullah
Öcalan, and replaced the earlier struggle for independence. The concept of
democratic autonomy is envisaged along the lines of libertarian thinker
Murray Bookchin as a decentralised, radical democracy within or despite the
given nation-states which abides by principals of equality between genders,
religious- and ethnic affiliations as well as ecology[2]. In this sense,
the PKK and its affiliated organisation PYD (Democratic Union Party) in
Syria are promoting this model, whose fundamental principal is to achieve a
unity of all different faiths and ethnic groups without assimilating them,
for the whole of the Middle East.

Within the past one and a half years the outnumbered Syrian military has
been expelled from most parts of the region; police, secret service, and
the civil service of the old regime have been dismantled, and the legal and
education system transformed. Additionally, despite the detrimental
security situation, central institutions for the most radical changes have
been established in three main areas: the introduction of direct
self-government through communes, assurance of equal participation in all
areas of decision-making for all faith and ethnic groups and the
strengthening of the position of women.

Aiming at decentralizing decision-making and realizing self-rule, village-
or street communes consisting of 30-150 households have been organised.
These communes decide on questions regarding administration, electricity,
provision of nutrition, as well as discussing and solving other social
problems. They have commissions for the organisation of defence, justice,
infrastructure, ecology, youth, as well as economy. Some have erected
communal cooperatives, e.g. bakeries, sewing workshops or agricultural
initiatives[3]. They also organise the support of the poorest of the
community with basic nutrition and fuel. Delegates of the communes form
together a council for 7-10 villages or a city-district, and every city has
yet another city council. The city council is made up of representatives of
the communes, all political parties, the organisation of the fallen
fighters, the women’s organisation, and the youth organisation. All
councils as well as the communes have a 40% quota for women. The decisions
are to be made on basis of consensus and equal speaking-time is enforced.
Besides this, a co-chairperson system has been implemented for all
organisations, which means that all councils have both a female and male
chairperson. All members are suggested and elected by the population.
However, according to the co-president of the PYD, Salih Muslim, this
radical change from dictatorship to this form of self-rule is not an easy
process: “The people are learning how to govern themselves”[4].

This change in decision-making has also brought about a radical change in
the legal system: the establishment of “peace and consensus committees”[5].
These committees, which originally developed as leftist Kurdish underground
institutions in the cities of the Kurdish region of Syria in the 1990 and
were severely repressed in the 2000s, have resumed their importance with
the uprising, and have transformed into the basic structure and fundamental
principal of the new legal system. The aim of these committees, which
attend to all general legal questions and disputes apart from severe crimes
such as murder, is to achieve a consensus between the conflicting parties
and in doing so a lasting settlement. In a general assembly of all
residents every commune elects the 5-9 members of its local peace and
consensus committee (40% of which have to be women) according to their
ability to facilitate such a consensus in discussion among between the
parties. It is emphasized that these members should not be co-opted by
traditional authorities, but democratically elected and in accordance with
the gender-equality principal. These peace and consensus committees also
exist on the district level, whose members are elected by the popular
councils on that level respectively. Parallel women-only committees have
been established which specifically attend cases of crimes against women,
such as domestic violence, forced-marriages and multiple marriages. Cases
which cannot be solved in this consensus-finding way are forwarded on to
higher institutions which exist on city, regional and canton level. Courts
of appeals have been established in every region and a constitutional court
is concerned with the further development of the constitution which has
however been framed as a “social contract”[6].

The decision to agree on a *social contract* instead of a constitution is
the manifestation of the centrality of the multi-faith/ethnicity principal
behind the concept of the democratic autonomy in Rojava. This contract,
which developed out of meetings among representatives of different ethnic
and belief groups, has the aim to secure safety and self-rule to all
groups. All groups are to be equally present and active in decision-making
on political as well as economic and social questions and their right to
self-determination is to be ensured not only through self-rule on
village-level, but also through the right to organise themselves
autonomously on other levels. According to the report of a delegation which
visited the region in May this year, the participation of Arabs an
Assyrians is steadily increasing in all areas[7]. All groups are also
supported in participating in the armed wing YPG or founding their own
self-defence groups, as the Assyrians have done most recently.
[image: Image: ANF]
<http://www.movements.manchester.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/rojava1.jpg>

Image: ANF

Similarly, the empowerment of women is not only to be achieved through the
presence of women in all parts of decision-making processes through the 40%
quota, the co-chairperson system, woman’s legal committees, but also
through the establishment of their own military wing YPJ (Women’s Defence
Unit)[8]. In an interview, co-president of PYD, Asya Abdullah, argues that
the movement in Syria has learned from other revolutions that the women’s
question cannot be left until after the revolution. Instead, women in
Rojava are playing a leading role in politics, diplomacy, social questions,
in the building of a new democratic family structure as well as in
self-defence[9]. According to her the self-government structures as well as
the self-organisation of women are just as important as the existing
independent education institutions and seminars, and the projects to
enhance women’s economic independence.

This attempt for a peaceful democratic transformation in co-existence to
the state, but on the premises of grassroots self-determination, pluralism
and gender-equality is, unfortunately, not welcomed by all in the region.
The most recent heavy attacks on the canton of Kobani by ISIS fighters
indicate a greater interest in annihilating this autonomy region, which is
identified with an increasing strength of the PKK in the region. The
Turkish government has reacted sharply to claims made by *New York Times* and
other media that it is, in one way or another, supporting ISIS
fighters[10]. Yet the PKK sees these accusations as grounded. Such
cooperation raises strong doubts on the sincerity of the government towards
the peace talks which it has been holding with Öcalan over the past year.
The PKK has warned that it could put an end to the ceasefire it had
declared to facilitate a possible peace process[11]. For those who have
made their way from all parts of Turkey to the Syrian border to protest and
are organising marches and rallies in many cities across Europe, Rojava is
not only the test-ground for an alternative democracy in the region, but
also a bastion against ISIS.
------------------------------

[1] The majority of Yezidi Kurds live in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. The
attack of ISIS on the city of Sinjar and the massacre on its inhabitants
triggered strong international attention and the decision for intervention
in the US. Since then, many Yezidi Kurds were helped to flee into Rojava by
the Syrian wing of PKK-guerrilla fighters (YPG).

[2]Gunes, Cengiz (2012) The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey. From
Protest to Resistance. New York: Routledge; also see Biehl, Janet (2012)
“Bookchin, Öcalan, and the Dialectics of Democracy”,*New Compass*,
http://new-compass.net/articles/bookchin-%C3%B6calan-and-dialectics-democracy,
accessed 20.02.2012

[3] Knapp, Micheal (2014) „Die Demokratische Autonomie in Rojava. Ziel ist
eine demokratische Lösung für den gesamten Mittleren Osten“, *Kurdistan
Report* 174,
http://www.kurdistan-report.de/index.php/archiv/2014/174/154-ziel-ist-eine-demokratische-loesung-fuer-den-gesamten-mittleren-osten,
accessed 25.09.2014

[4] Interview with Co-president of PYD, Salih Muslim, “Die Menschen lernen,
sich selbst zu bestimmen“, *Kurdistan Report* 175,
http://www.kurdistan-report.de/index.php/archiv/2014/175/177-die-menschen-lernen-sich-selbst-zu-bestimmen,
accessed 25.09.2014.

[5] Ayboğa, Ercan (2014) “Das neue Rechtssystem in Rojava. Der Konsens ist
Entscheidend“,*Kurdistan Report* 175,
http://www.kurdistan-report.de/index.php/archiv/2014/175/178-der-konsens-ist-entscheidend,
accessed 25.09.2014.

[6] See “Charter of the Social Contract” of Rojava under
http://peaceinkurdistancampaign.com/resources/rojava/charter-of-the-social-contract/,
accessed 26.09.2014

[7] Knapp 2014.

[8] Interview with Îlham Ehmed, Representative of the Kurdish Women’s
Movement in Rojava and Member of the Kurdish Highest Council: Civaka Azad
(2014) “Perspektiven der Frauenbewegung in Rojava”,
http://civaka-azad.org/perspektiven-der-frauenbewegung-rojava/, accessed
25.09.2014

[9] Interview with Asya Abdullah Co-President of PYD: Öğünç, Pınar (2014)
“Kadın özgür değilse demokrasi olmaz”, *Radikal*, 22.08.2013,
http://www.radikal.com.tr/yazarlar/pinar_ogunc/kadin_ozgur_degilse_demokrasi_olmaz-1147222,
accessed 25.09.2014

[10] Official summary of President Erdoğan’s speech at Assembly of the
Confederation of Turkish Crafts- and Tradesmen (TESK): TCCB (2014) “We do
not accept and have never accepted the notion of Islamic terrorism”,
http://www.tccb.gov.tr/news/397/91043/we-do-not-accept-and-have-never-accepted-the-notion-of-islamic-terrorism.html,
accessed 25.09.2014; The speech refers to this article published in the New
York Times on the 15.09.2014: Yeginsu, Ceylan (2014) “ISIS Draws a Steady
Stream of Recruits from Turkey”, *New York Times*, 15.09.2014,
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/16/world/europe/turkey-is-a-steady-source-of-isis-recruits.html,
accessed 25.09.2014.
[11] Declaration of Cemil Bayık, Co-President of the Executive Council of
the Union of Kurdistan Communities (KCK) see Firatnews (2014) “Bayık: We
may end the cease-fire”, *firatnews,* 27.09.2014,
http://en.firatajans.com/news/news/bayik-we-may-end-the-cease-fire.htm,
accessed 27.09.201i Michel,
the article below I think answer your question. Please publish it in your
p2p website of course with your own comments.
best
Jakob

>>> Michel Bauwens <michel at p2pfoundation.net> 10/08/14 4:50 PM >>>
thanks!

On Wed, Oct 8, 2014 at 9:48 PM, Jakob Rigi <rigij at ceu.hu> wrote:

> Michel,
> to be honest I don`t know about that, I will enquire from friends who have
>  better knowledge on these cantons. I use the socialist in two senses.
> First, the political leadership of the communities are socialist, second,
> they have a collective administration based on direct democracy. Of course,
> if the means of production are not collectivized, they are not yet
> socialist, but have important socialist elements. They also promote
> equality between men and women and people who belong to different faiths
> and different ethnicities.So, you are right I use the term in a loose way.
>
> I will share it if   I will get information on your question.
>
> take care
> Jakob
>
>
> >>> Michel Bauwens <michel at p2pfoundation.net> 10/08/14 4:36 PM >>>
>
> jakob,
> can you give us details about what qualifies these republics as socialist
> ? Do they have collective ownership of their means of production ? or what
> are the characteristics that make them socialist in your view ?
>
> On Wed, Oct 8, 2014 at 8:46 PM, Jakob Rigi <rigij at ceu.hu> wrote:
>
>> Hi Anna,
>> Any movement and action that promotes women agency, their
>> self-determination and the equality between men and women is feminist.
>> Kurdish cantons do all these, therefore they are feminist. That Kurdish
>> women fighters  defend  themselves and their feminist-socialist republics
>> with guns against Isis fascist is perfectly a feminist action, otherwise
>> they would be taken like Yazedi women as captives and sold to Islamic
>> fascists to serve as sex slaves in their Harems.
>>
>> Further any genuine revolutionary movement like the Kurdish movement in
>> Syria to the extent that it Strengthen  equality, collectivity, care and
>> love is feminist. Yes, collectivity, care and love are  core feminist
>> values and there are the principles of Kurdish movement in Syria.  Thus the
>> Kurdish cantons are feminized by being saturated by these values. This is
>> starkly pronounced in the roles  women play in the political and military
>> life.
>>
>> A question from you Anna and others who do not consider these fighters as
>> feminists. What can be the real face of feminism in the Kurdish Cantons of
>> Syria just now? What will be the feminist politics there?
>>
>> with best wishes
>> Jakob
>>
>>
>>
>> >>> Anna <anna at shsh.co.uk> 10/08/14 12:01 AM >>>
>>
>> I wonder what it is which identifies these young attractive soldiers as
>> Feminists? Because they have a woman in charge?, because they are an
>> exclusively female group?, because they see themselves as equal to men in
>> strength and military discipline?, because they have fun together, and
>> think of each other as sisters?
>>
>> Is Feminism the ability of women to do what men do, in a world forged by
>> men, or is it the ability to create a different reality for themselves?
>> Certainly their capacity to step out of the roles that tie them to domestic
>> chores is liberating, but how sad that the only way out is to take on
>> military roles, to compete with men at their own game, and most probably to
>> incur injury or death in the process.
>>
>> Anna
>>
>>
>> On 4 Oct 2014, at 17:03, "Jakob Rigi" <rigij at ceu.hu> wrote:
>>
>> Hi All,
>>
>> Attached is an excellent report on Kurdish women fighters and their
>> feminism.
>>
>> Jakob
>>
>> >>> Michel Bauwens <michel at p2pfoundation.net> 10/04/14 12:39 AM >>>
>> thanks Jakob!
>>
>>
>
>
> --
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>
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>
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>

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