[P2P-F] Fwd: [Networkedlabour] Fwd: [WSF-Discuss] Searching for radicalism in a corporate age

Michel Bauwens michel at p2pfoundation.net
Thu Aug 14 14:07:40 CEST 2014


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Orsan <orsan1234 at gmail.com>
Date: Thu, Aug 14, 2014 at 6:46 PM
Subject: [Networkedlabour] Fwd: [WSF-Discuss] Searching for radicalism in a
corporate age
To: "<networkedlabour at lists.contrast.org>" <
networkedlabour at lists.contrast.org>


Another interesting read:

Begin forwarded message:

*From:* "Brian K. Murphy" <brian at radicalroad.com>
*Date:* 14 augustus 2014 13:26:20 CEST
*To:* <worldsocialforum-discuss at openspaceforum.net>
*Subject:* *[WSF-Discuss] Searching for radicalism in a corporate age*
*Reply-To:* Discussion list about the WSF <
worldsocialforum-discuss at openspaceforum.net>

http://greattransition.org/document/searching-for-radicalism-in-a-co
rporate-age
*Searching for Radicalism in a Corporate Age*
*Review and discussion of: Protest Inc.: The Corporatization of Activism,
by Peter Dauvergne and Geneviere LeBaron, Polity, 200 pp.*

by Gus Speth, July 2014

As national and international challenges mount across the full spectrum of
human affairs, and as more and more acute observers conclude that the
problems we face trace back one way or another to our system of political
economy-the corporatist, consumerist capitalism that we have today-it is
timely to ask, where is the activism that might change the system?
 Some would say that it is currently surging. But Peter Dauvergne and
Geneviere LeBaron in their new book* Protest Inc.: The Corporatization of
Activism* are skeptical. Addressing the prospects for an organized
transnational movement, they see "little chance of a global grassroots
uprising able to transform the world order."

Turning to the possibility of a more decentralized "movement of movements,"
they ask,

"Do the facts really suggest that mobilizing the grassroots in this way can
ever slow globalization? Or replace capitalism? Or achieve peace and
justice? Many activists certainly think so. But our analysis suggests that
this is unlikely, and gets unlikelier with each passing year."


What Dauvergne and LeBaron see as critical to the goals they seek is the
rise of a radical activism that will

 "challenge political and corporate authority and call for structural
changeŠSolutions for radical activists cannot arise from within the
structures of the capitalist system but must instead get at the root
causes."


"What we are trying to understand," they write, "is why so many activists
within longstanding social and environmental movements are increasingly
accepting and working within the frame of global capitalism."

The book's great value lies in its contribution to the analysis of the
headwinds driving against the rise of this radical activism. Prominent in
their analysis is the active suppression and discouragement of dissent. The
authors contrast the escalating protests pre-9/11-at international trade
talks, World Bank meetings, G8 summits, and elsewhere-with the post-9/11
situation and the concurrent increasing frequency of paramilitary policing,
forced emptying of streets and parks, criminalization of protests, branding
of protesters as terrorists, and heightened surveillance of activists.

Another headwind they describe is the breakdown of social capital, group
solidarity, and shared political consciousness-in short, the loss of the
infrastructure of dissent.

Runaway businesses, throwaway cities, and fast-moving populations-and, in
the United States, the decline in union membership-have all contributed to
this breakdown. We have lost many of the most important settings where
group dissent can be born.

Closely related to these patterns is the individualization of
responsibility. The fault, dear friends, is not in the system but in
ourselves. We need to buy more that is fair trade, GMO-free, and organic.
If only we all drove Priuses, then we could save XYZ tons of carbon from
going into the air.

In the process, the authors note, we channel more and more time and energy
into the market as consumers, and less and less time as citizens
collectively addressing the paucity of responsible consumer choices and the
curse of consumerism generally.

"With social life privatizing and fragmenting," the authors note, "activism
and politics require more time, just as people have less and less time to
become involved."
 *Protest Inc.* also highlights the enclosure of activism in increasingly
large and bureaucratic NGOs.

In the NGO world, there are three dominant, interconnected imperatives:
winning victories, getting credit for one's accomplishments, and raising
money. In many, perhaps most, contexts today, the desire to be "effective"
compels NGOs to a certain tameness. We see this, for example, in the
severely circumscribed world of climate action advocacy in Washington, DC,
today. The imperative to get credit for accomplishments and to raise funds
to get more underlie the current fracturing of each progressive cause into
an often bewildering array of separate, competing groups, each promoting
its own brand.

And in our world of creeping corporatocracy and plutocracy, NGO success on
all three fronts can benefit greatly from close links to business and
family wealth. But the closer one gets, the narrower the range of
acceptable critique becomes.

I suspect there are other forces sapping the strength of radical activism.
Certainly, in the United States, there are some who see our situation as
overwhelming and hopeless-too far gone to save, more* game-over* than*
game-on*. Even more find it all too painful or difficult to think about, so
they do not even try. Others who might be prepared to struggle ask, for
what? Quietly, they fear that Margaret Thatcher was correct when she
famously said that "there is no alternative."

Clearly, more needs to be done to establish with a wide public the
plausible possibility of a Great Transition to a new political economy-the
next system.

Dauvergne and LeBaron package their core points and much more in what they
call the* corporatization of activism* (though not everything fits neatly).
They see an overall trend towards a situation where

"more and more corporations [are] financing and partnering with activist
groups [and] activists are increasingly communicating, arguing, and
situating goals within a corporatized frame."


 They see a world

"where the agendas, discourse, questions, and proposed solutions of human
rights, gender equality, social justice, animal rights, and environmental
activist organizations increasingly conform with, rather than challenge,
global capitalism."


Overall,* Protest Inc.* is feisty, provocative, and persuasive on many
points, and it raises vital issues. Where is radical activism when we need
it? Can we expect existing environmental and other NGOs to deliver it? The
book is not optimistic on either question.

Nor should the reader expect a bold plan of action. The authors' goal, they
say, is to sound a loud alarm, to send a warning shot

"across the bows of corporatizing activism, moving along conversations
among activists about strategy and encouraging re-evaluation of public
policies that stifle grassroots activism."


But the book has definite shortcomings. Like the authors, I believe some
important things can be seen best from 30,000 feet, but this book carries
that approach to an extreme. It often overgeneralizes and overstates, only
to be forced into repeated 'let-us-be-clear-what-we're-not-saying'
qualifications.

It takes a lot of easy shots at groups like the Nature Conservancy, World
Wildlife Fund, and Conservation International, as if anyone ever expected
them to be radical activists.

The authors also see a trend of increasing NGO coziness with corporations
and capitalism and a weakening of NGO resolve to challenge the system. At
least judging from my experience with environmental NGOs, my reading of
history is a little different.

The main environmental NGOs opted to work within the system well over 40
years ago, and little has changed on that score since then. My concern,
which I have now written up several times, is that we should have changed.
We should have realized that we were winning battles but losing the planet
and that we should reassess our strategy and launch a new environmentalism
aimed at systemic changes that could lead us to a new economy and a new
politics.
 My larger concern with the book, though, is its failure to look more
searchingly at the prospects for deep, transformative change. The issue
deserves more than the brief invocation of "corporatization."

It would be helpful to know, for example, what the authors' theory of
change is. Even with the long odds they see, if they have not abandoned
hope altogether (and the book itself is good evidence that they have not),
there must be some set of circumstances that they would agree might launch
a Great Transition. What are they?

Here, the authors would do well to consult for guidance the work on
scenarios, agency, and strategy gathered on this website. Certainly, the
potential role of crises features prominently in many such analyses, but
says little about crises and essentially nothing about the climate change
tsunami right off shore.

Linked to the omission of a theory of change is the failure to look
systematically at whether the levers of change are beginning to move. I,
for one, think that they are and that we are seeing the birth of a new
activism, some of it radical in both intent and method.

But I would have liked to know more about what the authors think.
Regardless of who has the better crystal ball on this matter, Dauvergne and
LeBaron are right that societies are perilously close to losing the ability
cope and that large NGOs have failed to face up to the extent of change
needed.

***************
*Gus Speth* is an Associate Fellow at Tellus Institute and a professor at
the Vermont Law School. Previously, he was the Dean of the Yale School of
Forestry and Environmental Studies, Administrator of the United Nations
Development Programme, and chairman of the US Council on Environmental
Quality. He is the founder of the World Resources Institute and the
co-founder of the Natural Resources Defense Council. His latest book is a
memoir,* Angels by the River*, to be published by Chelsea Green Publishers
in October 2014.

*See more at:
http://greattransition.org/document/searching-for-radicalism-in-a-cor
<http://greattransition.org/document/searching-for-radicalism-in-a-cor>porate-age#sthash.M6WKOr0E.dpuf*

_______________________________________________
** WSFDiscuss is an open and unmoderated forum for the exchange of
information and views on the experience, practise, and theory of the World
Social Forum at any level (local, national, regional, and global) and on
related social and political movements and issues.  Join in !**
_______________________________________________
WSFDiscuss mailing list
POST to LIST : Send email to WorldSocialForum-Discuss at openspaceforum.net
SUBSCRIBE: Send empty email to
worldsocialforum-discuss-subscribe at openspaceforum.net
UNSUBSCRIBE: Send empty email to
worldsocialforum-discuss-unsubscribe at openspaceforum.net
LIST ARCHIVES:
http://openspaceforum.net/pipermail/worldsocialforum-discuss_openspaceforum.net/
LIST INFORMATION:
http://openspaceforum.net/mailman/listinfo/worldsocialforum-discuss_openspaceforum.net


_______________________________________________
NetworkedLabour mailing list
NetworkedLabour at lists.contrast.org
http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour




-- 
*Please note an intrusion wiped out my inbox on February 8; I have no
record of previous communication, proposals, etc ..*

P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net  - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net

<http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates:
http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens

#82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/
-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: https://lists.ourproject.org/pipermail/p2p-foundation/attachments/20140814/56c0a1f8/attachment.htm 


More information about the P2P-Foundation mailing list