[P2P-F] Fwd: Spanish democracy movement, article of June 3

Sun Jun 26 08:01:08 CEST 2011

thanks Mike!

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: mike stagman <artemesium at yahoo.co.uk>
Date: Sun, Jun 26, 2011 at 12:46 PM
Subject: Spanish democracy movement, article of June 3
To: Michel Bauwens <michelsub2004 at gmail.com>

Published on Friday, June 3, 2011 by
CommonDreams.org<http://www.commondreams.org/>
Camp Sol: Spain's "Indignant" Give Lessons in True Democracy
 by María Carrión<http://www.commondreams.org/author/mar%C3%AD-carri%C3%B3n>
Pub on Friday, June 3, 2011 by CommonDreams.org
CAMP SOL: Spain's "Indignant" Giove Lessons in True Democracy bgy Maria
Carrion

MADRID, Spain -- The crowd of three thousand sat patiently on the hard
pavement of the plaza as the fourth hour of the popular assembly came and
went. The issue was whether Camp Sol, a protest that had persevered for two
weeks in Madrid's main square known as Puerta del Sol, would dismantle or
stay on. Protesters were exhausted from living on the streets; there had
been a few cases of harassment and tensions between groups; the
infrastructure of the camp was fragile; electricity was scarce. The camp's
legal team had kept police at bay but there were no guarantees that it would
remain that way (a similar camp in Barcelona had been attacked by police the
day before). And even if those problems were resolved, how much longer did
it make sense to occupy this enormous public space? Had the movement
consolidated enough to dismantle its most visible and symbolic gathering?

[image: Camp Sol, Madrid]Camp Sol, Madrid

A slight, young woman addressed the crowd. Trembling from nerves but with
fire in her voice, she said other camps were springing up like wildflowers
all over the country. She had come from the western region of Extremadura,
where protesters in different cities were sleeping under the night sky,
prevented by authorities from pitching tents. "Our survival depends on Camp
Sol," she begged. "If Sol disappears, the police will dissolve our camp and
all the others in Spain." As the moderator was about to take another comment
his telephone rang: after a few seconds, he told the gathering that thousands
of students in Paris who had gathered at the Bastille in solidarity with the
Madrid protest were being gassed by police. Many in the crowd vowed to head
for the French embassy after the assembly (protesters in Barcelona remained
at the French consulate all night blocking the entrance and it was forced to
stay closed for most of the following day).

As the towering clock over Puerta del Sol struck midnight and consensus
remained elusive, the moderator reminded the crowd that organizers had
agreed to wrap up the assembly so neighbors could get some rest. Racing
against time, the issue was simplified -- the assembly would only decide on
whether to remain for the short term or leave the next morning, postponing a
final decision on how long Camp Sol should exist. A few dissenting voices
were heard, and then at last, thousands of hands waved towards the night sky
as the crowd agreed to keep Camp Sol going --at least for the time being.

Thus ended one of the many assemblies that have become the life force behind
Spain's blossoming popular uprising. The decision-making mechanism is far
from new: older folks here nod their heads remembering the hours spent in
their youth trying to reach consensus. But Spain's young people have managed
to transfix society and confound an out-of-touch political élite with their
level of organization and ability to rapidly spread to other neighborhoods,
cities and even countries. They do not speak the language of politicians and
reject vertical models of organization. They reach decisions through
consensus. They listen. They are inclusive. And what they seek is a profound
transformation, one that transcends political parties and traditional
methods of government; they envision a system that brings grassroots
democracy rooted in the communities. Their weapons are their words and the
social media networks.

Camp Sol, which began spontaneously on May 15th with a few pitched tents to
protest against corruption and the lack of opportunities and to ask for
democratic changes, is now a small city, a maze of plastic carps held
together with chicken wire and makeshift poles, complete with its own radio
station, daycare center, dining areas, first aid posts, legal aid clinics,
libraries (including one for children) and information centers, which
conduct meetings and workshops on issues ranging from the environment to
immigration rights. At any one time, a walk through this "micropolis" might
yield a live poetry reading, a political debate, a cello concert, a yoga
class, a kids' theater performance, or a film screening on a king-sized
bed-sheet. Sandwiches and drinks are handed out for free all day; in return,
many people visit the camp with armloads of food, building materials and
other donated supplies. Protesters keep the camp clean, recycle garbage and
have created orderly corridors and a large perimeter for passersby. Tahrir
Square is their model.

The camp is in the heart of Madrid's commercial and tourist district, a
cross between Times Square and Piccadilly Circus. Known as Kilometer Zero
because of its central location, the area receives thousands of visitors and
shoppers on a daily basis. On a recent afternoon, a group of French
sightseers toured the camp as part of their itinerary. "I knew about Spain's
art and food, but I am now discovering the enormous potential that its young
people have," remarked Patrick Joseph, a middle-aged writer from Toulouse.
And indeed, Camp Sol is also a massive shop window into Spain's social
movements, a chance for thousands of social justice groups and activists to
converge and to get their message across to a wider audience.

But the camp is also under fierce pressure from the conservative local
government, local business leaders and police to disband as quickly as
possible. Some businesses complain that the occupation has diminished their
sales (others, especially the cafés and grocery stores, are doing healthy
business thanks to the protesters). The camp has so far avoided police
intervention, despite Spain's main electoral governing body declaring the
site illegal on May 21st, the eve of local elections, commonly referred to
as the "day of reflection." Over 25.000 people turned out in the plaza to
protest the prohibition. The final decision on whether to send in police to
break up the camp rests with the Socialist government of José Luis Rodríguez
Zapatero, who so far has been reluctant to intervene. But pressure to
disband the protesters continues to mount.

The seeds sown by Camp Sol are the assemblies and open mike sessions that
have spread to hundreds of neighborhoods, towns and villages across Spain.
Although there is a prevalence of young people, the movement is increasingly
attracting older folks ranging from families with children to middle-aged
professionals and retirees -- all deeply affected by the deep economic
crisis and the government's austerity measures.

Young "Indignants" in other cities such as Paris, Athens, Buenos Aires,
Bogotá and Brussels have supported the movement with protests of their
own.Organizers hope these assemblies will take over once the main camp
is
dismantled. Unemployment, social injustice, lack of true democracy,
declining social services, rising costs of education and corruption are just
some of the topics they debate.\

"I am here to say that if the police takes my son away I will take his
place, and so will many other mothers," said Gloria Agulló, a 63 year-old
woman at a recent open mike session. "He has graduated from university and
obtained a Masters degree but has not been able to find work in two years.
Where else should he be, but here in Sol reclaiming his future?"

So what drove Spain's young people to create a parallel society in the heart
of the capital? Or perhaps the question should be: what took them so long?
After all, almost half of Spaniards under the age of 24 are unemployed,
twice the European rate, and of those who have work, more than half are
underemployed or earn close to minimum wage (614 Euros or $887 per month).
The lack of affordable housing prevents most young people from leaving their
parents' home and many young couples cannot afford to have children,
resulting in a steep drop in Spain's birth rate. Spain's Socialist
government has not been able to address these needs: panicked at the
possibility of a Greece-style bailout, it has heeded the International
Monetary Fund's instructions to cut social spending, slashing pensions,
public payrolls and educational programs. At the same time as schoolteachers
are being laid off, the government has bailed out Spanish banks to the tune
of 50 billion Euros (about 14 percent of its GNP).

In addition, many point to a bankrupt political system. On May 22, municipal
and regional elections gave the conservative party, known as the PP (Partido
Popular), an enormous victory over the Socialist Party, which suffered a
stinging defeat. Many of those elected have been accused of political
corruption and some, such as the reelected President of the Valencia
autonomous region, Francisco Camps, are even facing trial for involvement in
a widespread corruption scandal known as Gürtel uncovered by judge Baltasar
Garzón. Refusing to endorse what they see as a corrupt system, most Camp Sol
protesters decided to stay away from the polls. "They do not represent us"
is one of the rallying cries in the plaza.

"Just two months ago I had been asking young people why they had not taken
to the streets like their peers in France or in Portugal," said Elena García
Quevedo, a journalist working on a documentary about Spain's youth. "They
told me it was a matter of time; they were sure that it would happen. As
soon as the protests began, I called all my contacts and none of them picked
up their cell phones. It turns out they were at the heart of the movement."

On a global scale, today's young people were written off in early 2010 by
former IMF director Dominique Strauss-Khann, who referred to them as the
"lost generation". In Spain, the mainstream media refers to Spanish youth as
the "Neither-Nor" or "Ni-Ni" generation: neither studying nor working.
Massive youth gatherings, at least those covered by the media, have usually
involved the consumption of large amounts of alcohol, a practice known as
botellón (one of the largest signs hung by protesters in Sol says
"Revolución no es botellón" or "Revolution is not boozing," and the camp
rejects the sale or distribution of alcohol on its premises). Spanish
society, suffocated by a structural economic crisis that has almost left
five million unemployed, has practically given up on its young people. Many
university graduates have been leaving Spain for German jobs or for emerging
employment markets in Brazil and Mexico.

These young people have re-named their generation: they are now "the
Indignant." They are tired of a system that condemns them to unemployment
and underemployment. They feel that asking for change is not sufficient;
they need to force it. "Spain's democracy does not seem real to them," says
García. "They are more prepared than the generation that preceded theirs:
they are better educated, speak more languages, are more well-rounded. They
have so much to offer, but their country has nothing to offer them.
Meanwhile, the political parties are mired in corruption and infighting, and
unions have negotiated rights away. They are not models for them."

"The movement is still working on a blueprint, but so far we have been able
to agree on four main demands," says Iván Martinoz, a young publicist who is
one of the movement's spokespeople. "We want to change Spain´s electoral
law, which favors a two-party system, so that we can move towards a
representative democracy. We want a real separation between government and
the judiciary, because in Spain judges are often tied to political parties
and act accordingly. We want politicians accused of corruption to be banned
from running for office. And we are asking for the creation of control
mechanisms on government so that citizens have more access to information.
This will allow greater transparency and political accountability."

Where will this movement lead? Some young people who originally occupied
Puerta del Sol under the name 15-M have already left the camp and are
organizing through social networks; they believe that Camp Sol has served
its purpose and that work must continue in neighborhood squares. Others who
remain in the square and call themselves "Real Democracy Now" want to make
sure that neighborhood assemblies, hundreds of which convened for the first
time on May 28, take root before Sol is dismantled. All agree that Sol will
continue to be a reference for the movement, and are looking for ways to
leave a sign of permanence in the square. As the moderator said on the night
when the assembly decided to remain in Sol, "no matter what happens to Camp
Sol we now exist as a force to be reckoned with, and if Spanish society does
not pay attention, we will be back."

 [image: María Carrión]<http://www.commondreams.org/author/mar%C3%AD-carri%C3%B3n>

María Carrión is an independent journalist living in Madrid, Spain. She is
also the former senior producer of Democracy Now!

-- 
P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net  - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net

Connect: http://p2pfoundation.ning.com; Discuss:
http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation

Updates: http://del.icio.us/mbauwens; http://friendfeed.com/mbauwens;
http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens
-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: https://lists.ourproject.org/pipermail/p2p-foundation/attachments/20110626/738fe036/attachment.htm 