thanks Mike!<br><br><div class="gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>From: <b class="gmail_sendername">mike stagman</b> <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:artemesium@yahoo.co.uk">artemesium@yahoo.co.uk</a>></span><br>
Date: Sun, Jun 26, 2011 at 12:46 PM<br>Subject: Spanish democracy movement, article of June 3<br>To: Michel Bauwens <<a href="mailto:michelsub2004@gmail.com">michelsub2004@gmail.com</a>><br><br><br><table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0">
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                <span><br><br>Published on Friday, June 3, 2011 by <a rel="nofollow" href="http://www.commondreams.org/" target="_blank">CommonDreams.org</a>
                
                                                
                        
                                                
                                                
                                                
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        <h2>Camp Sol: Spain's "Indignant" Give Lessons in True Democracy</h2>
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                         by <a rel="nofollow" href="http://www.commondreams.org/author/mar%C3%AD-carri%C3%B3n" target="_blank">Mar�a Carri�n</a><br style="font-weight: bold;"><span style="font-weight: bold;">Pub on Friday, June 3, 2011 by CommonDreams.org</span><br style="font-weight: bold;">
<span style="font-weight: bold;">CAMP SOL: Spain's "Indignant" Giove Lessons in True Democracy</span> bgy Maria Carrion<br>                        </div>
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                        <p>MADRID, Spain -- The crowd of three thousand sat patiently on the
hard pavement of the plaza as the fourth hour of the popular assembly
came and went. The issue was whether Camp Sol, a protest that had
persevered for two weeks in Madrid's main square known as Puerta del
Sol, would dismantle or stay on. Protesters were exhausted from living
on the streets; there had been a few cases of harassment and tensions
between groups; the infrastructure of the camp was fragile; electricity
was scarce. The camp's legal team had kept police at bay but there were
no guarantees that it would remain that way (a similar camp in Barcelona
had been attacked by police the day before). And even if those problems
were resolved, how much longer did it make sense to occupy this
enormous public space? Had the movement consolidated enough to dismantle
its most visible and symbolic gathering?</p>
<p><span style="width: 325px;"><img alt="Camp Sol, Madrid" src="http://www.commondreams.org/sites/commondreams.org/files/imce-images/camp_sol.jpg" style="width: 325px; min-height: 216px;" title="Camp Sol, Madrid" height="216" width="325" border="0"><span>Camp Sol, Madrid</span></span><br>
</p><p><br></p><p>A
slight, young woman addressed the crowd. Trembling from nerves but with
fire in her voice, she said other camps were springing up like
wildflowers all over the country. She had come from the western region
of Extremadura, where protesters in different cities were sleeping under
the night sky, prevented by authorities from pitching tents. "Our
survival depends on Camp Sol," she begged. "If Sol disappears, the
police will dissolve our camp and all the others in Spain." As the
moderator was about to take another comment his telephone rang: after a
few seconds, he told the gathering that <span style="font-weight: bold; color: rgb(127, 0, 63);">thousands of students in Paris
who had gathered at the Bastille in solidarity with the Madrid protest
were being gassed by police.</span> Many in the crowd vowed to head for the
French embassy after the assembly (protesters in Barcelona remained at
the French consulate all night blocking the entrance and it was forced
to stay closed for most of the following day).</p><p><br></p>
<p>As the towering clock over Puerta del Sol struck midnight and
consensus remained elusive, the moderator reminded the crowd that
organizers had agreed to wrap up the assembly so neighbors could get
some rest. Racing against time, the issue was simplified -- the assembly
would only decide on whether to remain for the short term or leave the
next morning, postponing a final decision on how long Camp Sol should
exist. A few dissenting voices were heard, and then at last, thousands
of hands waved towards the night sky as the crowd agreed to keep Camp
Sol going --at least for the time being.</p><p><br></p>
<p>Thus ended one of the many assemblies that have become the life force
behind Spain's blossoming popular uprising. The decision-making
mechanism is far from new: older folks here nod their heads remembering
the hours spent in their youth trying to reach consensus. But <span style="font-weight: bold; color: rgb(128, 0, 0);">Spain's
young people have managed to transfix society and confound an
out-of-touch political �lite with their level of organization and
ability to rapidly spread to other neighborhoods, cities and even
countries. They do not speak the language of politicians and reject
vertical models of organization</span>.<span style="font-weight: bold; color: rgb(0, 0, 191);"> They reach decisions through consensus.
They listen. They are inclusive. And what they seek is a profound
transformation, one that transcends political parties and traditional
methods of government; they envision a system that brings <span style="color: rgb(128, 0, 0);">grassroots
democracy rooted in the communities</span>. Their weapons are their words and
the social media networks.</span></p><p><br></p>
<p>Camp Sol, which began spontaneously on May 15th with a few pitched
tents to protest against corruption and the lack of opportunities and to
ask for democratic changes, is now a small city, a maze of plastic
carps held together with chicken wire and makeshift poles, complete with
its own radio station, daycare center, dining areas, first aid posts,
legal aid clinics, libraries (including one for children) and
information centers, which conduct meetings and workshops on issues
ranging from the environment to immigration rights. At any one time, a
walk through this "micropolis" might yield a live poetry reading, a
political debate, a cello concert, a yoga class, a kids' theater
performance, or a film screening on a king-sized bed-sheet. Sandwiches
and drinks are handed out for free all day; in return, many people visit
the camp with armloads of food, building materials and other donated
supplies. Protesters keep the camp clean, recycle garbage and have
created orderly corridors and a large perimeter for passersby. <span style="font-weight: bold;">Tahrir
Square is their model.</span></p><p><span style="font-weight: bold;"><br></span></p>
<p>The camp is in the heart of Madrid's commercial and tourist district,
a cross between Times Square and Piccadilly Circus. Known as Kilometer
Zero because of its central location, the area receives thousands of
visitors and shoppers on a daily basis. On a recent afternoon, a group
of French sightseers toured the camp as part of their itinerary. "I knew
about Spain's art and food, but I am now discovering the enormous
potential that its young people have," remarked Patrick Joseph, a
middle-aged writer from Toulouse. And indeed, Camp Sol is also a massive
shop window into Spain's social movements, a chance for thousands of
social justice groups and activists to converge and to get their message
across to a wider audience.</p>
<p>But the camp is also under fierce pressure from the conservative
local government, local business leaders and police to disband as
quickly as possible. Some businesses complain that the occupation has
diminished their sales (others, especially the caf�s and grocery stores,
are doing healthy business thanks to the protesters). The camp has so
far avoided police intervention, despite Spain's main electoral
governing body declaring the site illegal on May 21st, the eve of local
elections, commonly referred to as the "day of reflection." Over 25.000
people turned out in the plaza to protest the prohibition. The final
decision on whether to send in police to break up the camp rests with
the Socialist government of Jos� Luis Rodr�guez Zapatero, who so far has
been reluctant to intervene. But pressure to disband the protesters
continues to mount.</p><p><br></p>
<p>The seeds sown by Camp Sol are the <span style="font-weight: bold;">assemblies</span> and <span style="font-weight: bold;">open mike sessions</span>
that have spread to hundreds of <span style="font-weight: bold;">neighborhoods, towns and villages across
Spain</span>. Although there is a prevalence of young people, the movement is
increasingly <span style="font-weight: bold;">attracting older folks</span> ranging from families with children
to middle-aged professionals and retirees --<span style="font-weight: bold; color: rgb(128, 0, 0);"> all deeply affected by the
deep economic crisis and the government's austerity measures.</span> <br style="font-weight: bold;"></p><p><span style="font-weight: bold;">Young
"Indignants" in other cities such as Paris, Athens, Buenos Aires, Bogot�
and Brussels have supported the movement with protests of their own.</span>
Organizers hope these assemblies will take over once the main camp is
dismantled. <span style="font-weight: bold; color: rgb(96, 0, 191);">Unemployment, social injustice, lack of true democracy,
declining social services, rising costs of education and corruption are
just some of the topics they debate.\</span></p><p><span style="font-weight: bold; color: rgb(96, 0, 191);"><br></span></p>
<p>"I am here to say that if the police takes my son away I will take
his place, and so will many other mothers," said Gloria Agull�, a 63
year-old woman at a recent open mike session. "He has graduated from
university and obtained a Masters degree but has not been able to find
work in two years. Where else should he be, but here in Sol reclaiming
his future?"</p>
<p><br></p><p>So what drove Spain's young people to create <span style="font-weight: bold;">a parallel society</span> in
the heart of the capital? Or perhaps the question should be: what took
them so long? After all, <span style="font-weight: bold;">almost half of Spaniards under the age of 24
are unemployed</span>, twice the European rate, and of those who have work,
<span style="font-weight: bold;">more than half are underemployed </span>or earn close to minimum wage (614
Euros or $887 per month). The lack of affordable housing prevents most
young people from leaving their parents' home and many young couples
cannot afford to have children, resulting in a steep drop in Spain's
birth rate. Spain's Socialist government has not been able to address
these needs: panicked at the possibility of a Greece-style bailout, it
has heeded the International Monetary Fund's instructions to cut social
spending, slashing pensions, public payrolls and educational programs.
At the same time as schoolteachers are being laid off, the government
has bailed out Spanish banks to the tune of 50 billion Euros (about 14
percent of its GNP).</p><p><br></p>
<p>In addition, many point to a bankrupt political system. On May 22,
municipal and regional elections gave the conservative party, known as
the PP (Partido Popular), an enormous victory over the Socialist Party,
which suffered a stinging defeat. Many of those elected have been
accused of political corruption and some, such as the reelected
President of the Valencia autonomous region, Francisco Camps, are even
facing trial for involvement in a widespread corruption scandal known as
G�rtel uncovered by judge Baltasar Garz�n. Refusing to endorse what
they see as a corrupt system, most Camp Sol protesters decided to stay
away from the polls. "They do not represent us" is one of the rallying
cries in the plaza.</p><p><br></p>
<p>"Just two months ago I had been asking young people why they had not
taken to the streets like their peers in <span style="font-weight: bold;">France</span> or in <span style="font-weight: bold;">Portugal</span>," said <span style="font-weight: bold;">
Elena Garc�a Quevedo</span>, a journalist working on a documentary about
Spain's youth. "They told me it was a matter of time; they were sure
that it would happen. As soon as the protests began, I called all my
contacts and none of them picked up their cell phones. It turns out they
were at the heart of the movement."</p><p><br></p>
<p>On a global scale, today's young people were written off in early
2010 by former IMF director Dominique Strauss-Khann, who referred to
them as the "lost generation". In Spain, the mainstream media refers to
Spanish youth as the "Neither-Nor" or "Ni-Ni" generation: neither
studying nor working. Massive youth gatherings, at least those covered
by the media, have usually involved the consumption of large amounts of
alcohol, a practice known as botell�n (one of the largest signs hung by
protesters in Sol says "Revoluci�n no es botell�n" or "Revolution is not
boozing," and the camp rejects the sale or distribution of alcohol on
its premises). Spanish society, suffocated by a structural economic
crisis that has almost left five million unemployed, has practically
given up on its young people. Many university graduates have been
leaving Spain for German jobs or for emerging employment markets in
Brazil and Mexico.</p><p><br></p>
<p>These young people have re-named their generation: they are now "the
Indignant." They are tired of a system that condemns them to
unemployment and underemployment. They feel that asking for change is
not sufficient; they need to force it. "Spain's democracy does not seem
real to them," says Garc�a. "They are more prepared than the generation
that preceded theirs: they are better educated, speak more languages,
are more well-rounded. They have so much to offer, but their country has
nothing to offer them. Meanwhile, the political parties are mired in
corruption and infighting, and unions have negotiated rights away. They
are not models for them."</p><p><br></p>
<p>"The movement is still working on a blueprint, but so far we have
been able to agree on four main demands," says Iv�n Martinoz, a young
publicist who is one of the movement's spokespeople. "We want to change
Spain�s electoral law, which favors a two-party system, so that we can
move towards a representative democracy. We want a real separation
between government and the judiciary, because in Spain judges are often
tied to political parties and act accordingly. We want politicians
accused of corruption to be banned from running for office. And we are
asking for the creation of control mechanisms on government so that
citizens have more access to information. This will allow greater
transparency and political accountability."</p><p><br></p>
<p>Where will this movement lead? Some young people who originally
occupied Puerta del Sol under the name 15-M have already left the camp
and are organizing through social networks; they believe that Camp Sol
has served its purpose and that work must continue in <span style="font-weight: bold;">neighborhood
squares</span>. Others who remain in the square and call themselves "Real
Democracy Now" want to make sure that <span style="font-weight: bold;">neighborhood assemblies</span>,<span style="font-weight: bold;"> hundreds
of which convened for the first time on May 28, take root before Sol is
dismantled.</span> All agree that Sol will continue to be a reference for the
movement, and are looking for ways to leave a sign of permanence in the
square. As the moderator said on the night when the assembly decided to
remain in Sol, "no matter what happens to Camp Sol we now exist as a
force to be reckoned with, and if Spanish society does not pay
attention, we will be back."</p><p><br></p>                                                 
                        
        
        
                
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                                <p>Mar�a Carri�n is an independent journalist living in Madrid, Spain. She is also the former senior producer of Democracy Now!</p>                        </div></td></tr></tbody></table></div><br><br clear="all"><br>-- <br>P2P Foundation: <a href="http://p2pfoundation.net" target="_blank">http://p2pfoundation.net</a>� - <a href="http://blog.p2pfoundation.net" target="_blank">http://blog.p2pfoundation.net</a> <br>
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