<div dir="ltr"><br><div class="gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>From: <b class="gmail_sendername">Great Transition Network</b> <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:gtnetwork@greattransition.org">gtnetwork@greattransition.org</a>></span><br>Date: Sat, Aug 6, 2016 at 2:00 AM<br>Subject: Against Ecocide (GTN Discussion)<br>To: <a href="mailto:michelsub2004@gmail.com">michelsub2004@gmail.com</a><br><br><br><br>
>From Femke Wijdekop <<a href="mailto:fwijdekop@hotmail.com">fwijdekop@hotmail.com</a>><br>
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Dear GTN members,<br>
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Thank you very much for sharing your thoughts on ecocide law and for your insightful comments that have helped me to further develop my thinking. I want to begin by with some general thoughts and then respond to some of the specific points raised in the discussion.<br>
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As many have pointed out, while an international prohibition of ecocide has a role to play in the transition to a more just and sustainable world (and I would argue that this role could be a significant one), it is insufficient on its own to restore humanity’s relationship with nature from one of exploitation and abuse to one of care and flourishing. I think our abusive relationship with nature comes from a deep misunderstanding of that relationship and of our place in the community of nature. The idea that humans are “separate” from nature, that nature is an “object,” and that we should dominate and exploit nature in other to fulfill our needs and create safety for ourselves, is a relatively young one in the history of mankind. Yet, as we know, our legal and economic systems and the institutions they created have all been built up around this notion—one that is erroneous, harmful, and scientifically outdated, as modern science proves to us that we do not live in a<br>
“clockwork universe,” but in a universe that is intelligent, intentional, creative, a network consisting of relationships instead of a machine consisting of components. (I have read “The Ecology of Law,” by Fritjof Capra and GTN contributor Ugot Mattei with great interest.)<br>
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But law is a social construct and responds to new scientific insights and emerging harms (or should respond to them, if it is to keep its relevance and authority.) The proposal to prohibit ecocide came as a response to the emerging harm of biological and chemical warfare in the 1960s and 70s. The current growing movement of lawyers and concerned citizens who want to see the moral wrong of massive environmental destruction recognized as a legal wrong is responding to this state of ecological emergency in which we find ourselves today. The call to make ecocide an international crime, to create an Ombudsman for Future Generations at governmental levels, to give rights to nature, and to establish a duty of care towards future generations through climate litigation, are expressions of an emerging—or, perhaps, re-emerging—worldview that recognizes our interconnectedness with nature and with each other. These activists are informed by an understanding that the harm we do to the Earth<br>
is harm that will come back to haunt us. Ecocide law entails using criminal law as a tool to address and prevent environmental harm, just as the Dutch climate case used tort law to address failing climate policy. The Climate Case lawyer Roger Cox rooted his arguments that the Dutch government was failing in its duty of care towards Dutch citizens because of insufficient CO2 reductions extremely well in existing tort law, with all the technicalities and references to established jurisprudence that this entails. Yet, when asked to describe this case to which he had dedicated ten years of his life to, he called it “A Lawsuit of Love,” because it was love for this planet and for future generations that had motivated him to start it and that enabled him to persevere for so many years.<br>
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The advocates of ecocide legislation that I know, including myself, are coming at their work from this place of love for the Earth and its inhabitants (humans or otherwise), and we choose to put our legal skills in service to a vision of a more compassionate and just world. And while law on its own (in a vacuum) is not able to create a culture of harmonious relating with nature or with each other, it does shape our norms and values and can make certain actions less appealing or even taboo. Law does not exist in a vacuum. The legislation that gave women the right to vote, itself an expression of a process of emancipation, set in motion a process that fundamentally changed society’s perception of women and their role in society. Citizens internalized the new norms to such a degree that it is now incredible to believe that married women in the Netherlands have only been allowed to work since 1956. If the universe is a network of relationships, so, too, is our society, and laws both<br>
catalyze and give expression to changes in consciousness, especially when the new norms are supportive of harmonious and sustainable relationships between humans and humans and nature.<br>
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With this being my general commentary, I want to now address the following ten specific points (I wish to thank Koffi Dogbevi and Polly Higgins for their input):<br>
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1. The question of limiting the prohibition of ecocide to times of war, because the Rome Statute is geared towards criminal liability for state officials (instead of CEOs/companies) and because an improvement upon the wartime prohibition of ecocide might be the only politically feasible or realistic option.<br>
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>From the perspective of Small Island Developing States that are facing a very realistic existential threat of loss of land and loss of lives, this is not a matter that can be addressed through wartime provisions. Indeed, to do so would be to abrogate our responsibilities for humanity as a whole. Do we go for a compromise that can never meet the requirements of those most at risk, or do we stand strong and call for what is required, namely (1) the criminalization of ecosystem destruction and (2) the advancement of climate justice? The compromise strategy leads to loss of lives; the latter strategy saves lives.<br>
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Law is a tool for justice; international criminal law, like all law, is not static, but must reflect our growing understanding of the harm that we face. To remain complicit in ecocide on the basis that it does not fit an old model of law suggests that it is time to update our legal frameworks.<br>
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2. The related question of holding only state officials, as opposed to multinationals, liable for ecocide, and the question of how effective a prohibition of ecocide would really be given that the US is not a party to the ICC.<br>
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To hold CEOs liable for ecocide is not too ambitious. Corporations and corporate executives could be held criminally liable under the Statute of Rome for aiding or abetting in the commission of, attempting to commit, or providing means for the commission of a crime (Art.25 al.3-c).<br>
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And while the US has not ratified the Statute of Rome, it has been actively respecting and practicing it through the Alien Tort Statute (ATS). The ATS gives aliens a federal cause of action for violations of international law. See Kadic, 70 F.3d 232, 238 (2d Cir. 1995) "[The ATS] confers federal subject-matter jurisdiction when the following three conditions are satisfied: (1) an alien sues (2) for a tort (3) committed in violation of the law of nations (i.e., international law)." And in many cases, corporations have been held criminally liable under the US Alien Tort Statute with use of the Rome Statute provisions:<br>
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*****In Aziz v. Alcolac, Inc., the court found that while the Rome Statute of the ICC was not customary international law, its treaty status favored the acceptance of the mens rea standard as authoritative for corporate criminal liability (Aziz v. Alcolac, Inc., 658 F.3d 388).<br>
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*****In Bowoto v. Chevron Corp., the court concluded that defendants may be held liable under international law for aiding and abetting the Nigerian military in the commission of “crimes against humanity” (Bowoto v. Chevron Corp., N.D. Cal. Aug. 21, 2006).<br>
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*****In Khulumani v. Barclay (Nat’l Bank Ltd., 504 F. 3d 254, 258, 2d Cir. N/Y. 2007), Plaintiff representatives of apartheid victims sued defendant corporations, alleging various violations of international law, as well as claims under, inter alia, the Alien Tort Claims Act. The court reasoned that the Rome Statute is particularly significant for the present inquiry because, unlike other sources of international legislation, it articulates the mens rea required for aiding and abetting liability. The Statute makes clear that, other than assistance rendered to the commission of a crime by a group of persons acting with a common purpose, a defendant is guilty of aiding and abetting the commission of a crime only if he does so "[f]or the purpose of facilitating the commission of such a crime." (Art. 25 (3)(c) of the Rome Statute).<br>
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*****In Doe v. Exxon Mobil Corp. (654F. 3d 11), the Court stated, “Although the text of Article 25(3)(c) of the [Rome Statute] appears to require proof of ‘purpose,’ the text of Article 25(3)(d) requires no more than ‘knowledge.’ Given that Exxon is alleged to have aided and abetted the Indonesian military forces, which in turn are alleged to have committed violations of the law of nations against appellants, were the Rome Statute to apply it appears that Article 25(3)(d) and its mens rea of ‘knowledge’ would apply. Cf. Prosecutor v. Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, Case No. ICC/01/04-01/06, Pre-Trial Chamber Decision on the Confirmation of Charges (Jan. 29, 2007) (applying a ‘knowledge’ standard under Article 25(3)(a) to international law violations by co-perpetrator).”<br>
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3. The point that a nation enforcing ecocide law would make itself “uncompetitive” in the global marketplace and polluting companies would simply move elsewhere.<br>
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An important motivation for including ecocide in the Rome Statute treaty of the ICC—as opposed to a regional treaty—is the global reach of the ICC and the jus cogens nature of its norms (fundamental, overriding principles of international law from which no derogation is permitted). Making ecocide a crime under the Rome Statute would create a level playing field since ecocide would be prohibited in all the state parties of the ICC. State parties would be obliged to prohibit ecocide in their national laws because the ICC works with the principle of complementarity—meaning that the first responsibility to prosecute the Rome Statute crimes lies with the states. If national courts are unable or unwilling to prosecute, the ICC can step in. State parties would simply not be allowed to tolerate ecocide on their territories any more than they are currently allowed to tolerate genocide or war crimes, no matter what 'economic advantages' they might bring. Moreover, the universal<br>
jurisdiction of the ICC means that the ICC also has jurisdiction on the territory of a non-state party where that non-state party has entered into an agreement with the court providing for it to have such jurisdiction in a particular case. Though the United States is not party to the ICC and probably unlikely to enter into such agreements, Rome Statute provisions, as noted earlier, have been respected and used in US jurisprudence.<br>
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4. The lack of legitimacy and authority of the ICC.<br>
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It is true that the ICC is not as strong as it could be—indeed, that could be said about many judicial systems in the world. But that does not mean we should abandon it—it has a role that, in this day of increased transboundary crime, is required now more than before. This leaves us with a choice: Do we abandon the court, or do we strengthen it? We could replace and create a new International Environmental Tribunal (a process that would take a lot of time and resources), or we could find ways of ensuring it is supported.<br>
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5. The point of only criminalizing ecocide when intent can be proven.<br>
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Although the existing ICC structure is built around intentionality, the Rome Statute leaves the door open for potential future amendments that will provide otherwise [See Article 30: “UNLESS OTHERWISE PROVIDED, a person shall be criminally responsible and liable for punishment for a crime within the jurisdiction of the Court only if the material elements are committed with intent and knowledge” (emphasis added)].<br>
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While international criminal law is built around intentionality, this is not always the case when it comes to international environmental law. A person is said to have knowledge when that person should have known that her action could have caused the damage. The precautionary principle is clear and non-ambiguous on this point (“where there are threats of serious or irreversible damage, the lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures to prevent environment degradation,” as described in Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration). Ecocide is being defined as serious and/or irreversible damages, the occurrence of the damage will require no proof of knowledge or intent if the author has not followed its duty of care or acted with precaution. Also, it is general knowledge that the use of dangerous products per se implies liability when damage arises without the need of proving knowledge and intent.<br>
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6. The point that the history of the ICC shows that there is a big time lag (often multiple decades) between the start of ICC investigations and the moment of the actual verdict. In the case of ecocide, by the time of the verdict, the culpable company will probably be dissolved, assets divided, bonuses paid out to executives who have disappeared<br>
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Dissolving the company, dividing its assets, merging it with a novel entity, or changing its initial purpose does not permit a company to avoid criminal liability under the End Ecocide proposal. This proposal contains provisions that cover the very important consequences arising from the dissolution, division, or liquidation of companies’ assets. Article 25(1)(B) of the proposal reads: “For purposes of this Article 25(1), a person may also include: ‘iii. Successors-in-interest, but only if no adequate remedies are available under Article 77 against the original interest holder(s) and the successors are, or shall be, continuing the same or a substantially similar use or operation of the interest. The responsibility of successors may not be avoided by the terms of any contract if the said terms have the effect of eliminating the availability of any party answerable to the ICC Court for the offenses claimed under Article 5(e). Such contractual terms shall be considered null and<br>
void for the purposes of Article 25(1).’”<br>
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In comparison, US Courts in many occasions have been able to trace the past company in the newly created entities.<br>
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****In the case United States v. Alcan Aluminum Corp. (See United States v. Alcan Aluminum Corp., 97 F. Supp. 2d 248, 2000 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 5689, 50 ERC (BNA) 1772 (N.D.N.Y 2000)), where the judge held defendant Alcan Aluminum Corp. liable for cleanup costs at two hazardous waste sites, Alcan was able to trace this contamination back to the use of PCB hydraulic oils in the remelt operation in the late 1960s and 1970. As Monsanto was the sole domestic manufacturer of PCBs in the US, the Court ordered a joint liability with regard to the cleanup of contamination, despite the fact that Monsanto ceased production of PCB containing fluids, and that PCB fluids were not commercially available in the United States.<br>
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****In a similar case, Solutia, Inc. v. McWane (See Solutia, Inc. v. McWane, Inc., 726 F. Supp. 2d 1316, 2010 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 90853), the Court found Solutia liable for the cleanup of the area where hazardous substances were concerned, including PCBs associated with releases or discharges as a result of the operations, including waste disposal by Solutia. Like in United States v. Alcan Aluminum Corp., Monsanto and other predecessors have come to be located and must jointly undertake the cleanup effort.<br>
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7. The connection between violations of human rights and violations of nature’s rights, as illustrated by the increasing violence against environmental defenders.<br>
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If the massive damage and destruction to the environment is criminalized, environmental defenders will have the law at their side in their work to protect the environment. It would be much harder to brand them as “terrorists” or enemies of progress if the protection of the environment is recognized as a matter of the highest international concern. Instead of using the law against them—limiting the operational space of environmental NGOs or the freedom of expression of individual environmental defenders in the name of “national security”— environmental defenders would recognized for performing a legitimate task of international concern—the protection of ecosystems—that in fact should be taken up by the government. This issue has my particular interest as I work on the project "Defending Environmental Defenders", a collaborative project of IUCN Netherlands, Friends of the Earth and Global Witness:<br>
<a href="http://www.iucn.nl/en/recent/dutch-postcode-lottery-helps-improve-safety-of-environmental-defenders" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">www.iucn.nl/en/recent/dutch-<wbr>postcode-lottery-helps-<wbr>improve-safety-of-<wbr>environmental-defenders</a><br>
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8. The limitations of “legal language” in a complex ecosystem.<br>
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Rights language has its limitations, as shown by the contribution of Tim Weiskel. It is important to see ecocide legislation as addressing the *worst* violations of the governing “laws” of the Earth’s ecosystem, and, as such, being one step in harmonizing human laws with nature’s laws. This process should start with the most flagrant violations of nature’s laws and, being a systems approach, seek the expertise of many bodies of knowledge, with a special role for law and biology. For flagrant violations of nature’s law, ecocide is understood by Polly Higgins as referring to widespread, long-lasting, or severe environmental harm, with these term being defined under the 1977 United Nations Environmental Modification Convention as follows:<br>
1. widespread: encompassing an area on the scale of several hundred square kilometers;<br>
2. long-lasting: lasting for a period of months, or approximately a season;<br>
3. severe: involving serious or significant disruption or harm to human life, natural and economic resources, or other assets<br>
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As for the point that “rights” of one group of humans (or humans acting as guardians for non-humans) are competing with the rights of another group (the adversarial nature of our legal system), I recently learned that the original meaning of the word “lawyer” is actually “healer of the woes of the community,” pointing to a much more holistic understanding of doing justice. The adversarial character of our legal system is not set in stone. There is an emerging international movement called the Integrative Law Movement, which aims to create a legal system oriented towards values-based, creative, sustainable, and holistic solutions that build and strengthen relationships—instead of a legal victory of one party at the expense of another. Ecocide law can be seen as being a part of this Integrative Law Movement since it is meant to help build a sustainable relationship between humans and the natural world and is aimed at protecting the rights of all the inhabitants of an<br>
ecosystem, through prohibiting its destruction or loss to such an extent that peaceful enjoyment by the inhabitants of that territory has been or will be severely diminished (definition of Polly Higgins).<br>
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9. The point that ecocide law is in danger of strengthening the “adversarial paradigm” and that instead of international criminal law, Restorative Justice (with its emphasis on connection, empathy, compassion, and understanding) is necessary to heal the environmental and societal harm caused by ecocidal activity.<br>
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and<br>
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10. The responsibility all of us have, as consumers with high-carbon lifestyles, to realize our contribution to environmental damage and destruction. The point that we have to and address own our own part in the ecocide we see playing out in the world instead of focusing on bringing corporate perpetrators to justice.<br>
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I empathize with these points, but I think we should not ignore the power structures that exist in this world. We individuals do not have the leverage to solve the problem of ecocide when faced with the Goliath of polluting companies. And these companies are mostly law-abiding, since it is our legal system that permits massive environmental damage and destruction as an “externality” of seeking profit. Also, we are not individually responsible for the total sum of environmental destruction, if we are born into (and subject to) a system which does not acknowledge the intrinsic value of nature. The environmental crisis does ask for individual ecological awakening, awareness, and low-carbon lifestyles, but change on the individual level is not enough. We can try to live as organically as possible, yet without system change, without changing the legal framework within which economic activities take place, this will not be sufficient.<br>
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For the sake of protecting those who cannot assert themselves, those who do not have political leverage or even a human voice, but who suffer from the ecological damage and destruction caused by ecocide, perpetrators of ecocide should be held responsible for the effects of their actions. Justice serves to protect society at large. For those who are unwilling or unable to hold their remit of responsibility, namely the primary duty of care for humanity and the Earth, it becomes incumbent upon the legal system to ensure that whatever the abuse is, it is stopped. Restorative Justice only works for those who are willing to take responsibility. At this point, it is unlikely that all those who (intentionally or unintentionally) cause ecocide are willing to take responsibility for—or even understand—the harm they do to the natural world, especially when they are desensitized from feeling their connection to that natural world. Of course, addressing and healing that disconnect from the<br>
natural world is where the ultimate solution lies, yet in the meantime, society has to be protected from extremely harmful actions that can be a result of such disconnectedness from nature.<br>
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Having said that, Restorative Justice is part of the amendments that both Polly Higgins and End Ecocide on Earth (see <a href="http://www.endecocide.org" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">www.endecocide.org</a>) advocate. Accountability is still very much at the forefront of both amendments; however, where responsibility is upheld, there is enormous scope for judicial application of restorative justice principles, as was explored during the Mock Ecocide Trial held in the UK Supreme Court in 2011 organized as by Polly Higgins.<br>
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Femke Wijdekop<br>
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