<div dir="ltr"><br><div class="gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>From: <b class="gmail_sendername">Krystian Woznicki</b> <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:kw@berlinergazette.de">kw@berlinergazette.de</a>></span><br>Date: Thu, Mar 10, 2016 at 3:23 PM<br>Subject: [commoning] The Future After Fukushima > event + interview with Japan's leading social thinker<br>To: <a href="mailto:commoning@lists.commons-institut.org">commoning@lists.commons-institut.org</a><br><br><br>Hello commoners,<br>
<br>
in the context of the TACIT FUTURES project the Berliner Gazette invites<br>
you reflect once again the consequences of the Fukushima incident, that<br>
shocked the world on March 11, 2011 – almost exactly five years ago.<br>
<br>
Our Berlin event on March 19 presents the documentary film "Tell the<br>
Prime Minister" by Japan's leading social thinker Eiji Oguma as a<br>
starting point for discussion about common futures and the future as<br>
commons. An interview with Eiji Oguma about those issues and the<br>
politicization of Japan after 3/11 in particular was just published by<br>
openDemocracy, a German version of the protocol is available on Berliner<br>
Gazette. Scroll down to read all the info, or visit the websites now:<br>
<br>
TACIT FUTURES event with Eiji Oguma:<br>
<a href="http://bit.ly/21Zh2xc" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://bit.ly/21Zh2xc</a><br>
<br>
TACIT FUTURES interview with Eiji Oguma:<br>
<a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/eiji-oguma-krystian-woznicki/japan-after-japan" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">https://www.opendemocracy.net/eiji-oguma-krystian-woznicki/japan-after-japan</a><br>
<br>
Kind regards,<br>
<br>
Krystian<br>
<br>
--<br>
<br>
Japan after Japan<br>
Post-Fukushima social movements, the rebirth of history and tacit<br>
futures. An interview by Krystian Woznicki with Eiji Oguma<br>
openDemocracy.org, 9 March 2016 [1]<br>
<br>
After 200 years of relentless growth and rampant acceleration<br>
industrialized countries seem to have reached an end point. After living<br>
under near constant mobilization with one foot in tomorrow land we are<br>
sensing limits all over the place. From limited natural resources to our<br>
limited capabilities in handling larger than life technologies (e.g.<br>
nuclear power). Some call it "peak everything" (Heinberg). Others refer<br>
to it as "after future" (Berrardi). In other words: 200 years after the<br>
"futurist turn" (Sloterdijk) almost everything that was launched in the<br>
name of gloomy progress reaches an ideological and operational deadend.<br>
<br>
Take Japan as an example. Since the 1980s it has represented the future<br>
like no other country on this planet. Now it is deeply burdened by all<br>
projects, all movements and all the policies that created its futuristic<br>
appeal: toxic waste, mountains of national debt, ideological shipwreck.<br>
At this juncture a decision is needed: Could the future begin anew after<br>
all the burdens are left behind? – although hardly anyone can imagine<br>
when that will be. Or does the future begin in the here and now? – this<br>
place and time, where we are potentially able to envision another place<br>
and another time.<br>
<br>
As the historian Eiji Oguma suggests, the most important insight of the<br>
moment is: "We can't go back to the 1980s". Naturally, people are still<br>
struggling with what this implies. Looking at it from a global<br>
perspective, two things seem clear. Firstly: a new tale of the future<br>
cannot be implanted top down. Not again. It must emerge bottom-up.<br>
<br>
Secondly: we should not abandon the future only because "it has failed<br>
us" (Berrardi). We should not wait until the mess, which the production<br>
of futures has created so far, has been cleaned up. As a political<br>
vehicle, the future is way too important. In that sense the Berliner<br>
Gazette project TACIT FUTURES [2] proposes: rather than having arrived<br>
after the future, we are at a crucial turning point in the production of<br>
futures.<br>
<br>
On March 19 at the event "TACIT FUTURES: Japan after Japan" [3] Berliner<br>
Gazette presents "Tell the Prime Minister" by Eiji Oguma as a starting<br>
point for discussion about common futures and the future as commons. It<br>
is a documentary film about post-Fukushima social movements in Japan and<br>
depicts an unprecedented mobilization, which, lasting until today, the<br>
film documents as a historical event in progress. The product of an<br>
almost boundless collaboration, the film is composed of footage by<br>
numerous independent and amateur filmmakers who granted Oguma access to<br>
their footage. Footage that captures intimately and authentically a<br>
multiplicity of dynamics and faces, actions and testimonials from within<br>
the movement. It is a cinematic experiment that comes to terms with the<br>
social experiment that is under way in Japan today. Further information<br>
here. [4]<br>
<br>
Krystian Woznicki (KW): How did the authorities and social systems in<br>
Japan manage to suppress social movements and protest until the<br>
post-3/11-uprisings? Could you explain the vacuum of a public political<br>
sphere in Japan and the kind of governance that helped create that vacuum?<br>
<br>
Eiji Oguma (EO): I read one blog by a participant in the anti-nuclear<br>
movement after the Fukushima incident. He was an activist in the 1970’s<br>
and had stopped until the incident occurred. He said in his blog, “Now<br>
is the time we have to do demo. Japan was a country people did not need<br>
to do demo from 1970s to 2011, when people could get good jobs without<br>
any protest.” “To be honest, I was active until the early 1970s but it<br>
was activity for self-satisfaction and self-liberation. We did not feel<br>
any crisis in Japanese society for real.” I think it would explain your<br>
question. Japan was the country where, “people do not need to protest”.<br>
<br>
However, as a sociologist and historian, I know Japan was not “all<br>
middle class society” even in the 1980s when “Japan as number one” was a<br>
buzzword. Less than 20% of the work force in Japan in the 1980s worked<br>
at middle or big sized corporations which were so well known in western<br>
countries thanks to the power of Japanese exports. The Japanese<br>
government supplied subsidies, public works (mainly construction), and<br>
protection (mainly for agriculture) for the people who worked in<br>
domestic industries in local areas in exchange for demanding their votes<br>
for LDP, the conservative ruling party. The Japanese government<br>
contained any social problems by deploying such a cycle: economic growth<br>
through exports, increase of tax income, provision of subsidies and<br>
public works for the weaker parts of Japan, tax reduction for city<br>
businessmen and their families, an increase of consumption, and economic<br>
growth.<br>
<br>
In this situation, LDP managed to maintain power while containing social<br>
movements. From the 1970’s to the 2000’s, social movements rose in Japan<br>
mainly due to problems that emerged on the peripheries of society, for<br>
example, amongst Korean minorities, Okinawans, or in segregated downtown<br>
areas.<br>
<br>
Japan enjoyed such stability and prosperity as only a developed country<br>
in Asia’s “factory of the world” could expect, until the end of the Cold<br>
War when China entered the world economy and started to take the place<br>
of Japan. After that, the stagnation of the Japanese economy began. This<br>
stagnation broke the cycle in the 1980s. The Japanese government tried<br>
to prolong the cycle, but this led to a huge budget deficit. In 2000,<br>
the government started cutting subsidies and public works. It had<br>
already caused instability and anxiety in society long before the<br>
Fukushima incident.<br>
<br>
KW: How did the sudden outburst of post-3/11-uprisings find new,<br>
unexpected and unscripted forms of social protest to fill the vacuum?<br>
How were those new forms of protest perceived by the general public? How<br>
did the authorities react?<br>
<br>
EO: The Fukushima incident was only a trigger of the new social<br>
movements. In these 20 years, Japan has experienced a stagnant economy,<br>
a 15% reduction of the average annual income of employees, an increase<br>
in precarious jobs which occupy 40% of total employment nowadays,<br>
atomization and isolation caused by globalization and IT technology, the<br>
huge budget deficit bequeathed by policy dysfunction, and lack of<br>
transparency in political decision making. LDP lost power and was<br>
defeated by DPJ in the elections of 2009. These factors all existed<br>
before the Fukushima incident.<br>
<br>
According to my research, many activists of the social movements after<br>
the Fukushima incident are members of what can be described as the<br>
“cognitive precariat”, who have been highly educated but are unable to<br>
enjoy reasonable employment prospects. They are skilled in IT, design,<br>
illustration, music, event organizing. They are totally different from<br>
the traditional activists who used to report back to established trade<br>
unions or leftist parties.<br>
<br>
For example, my documentary recorded 8 interviewees. The four males<br>
include the Prime Minister at that time, a hospital worker, a young<br>
entrepreneur who is now CEO of a childcare goods trading company, an<br>
artist/anarchist. The four females are a Fukushima refugee housewife who<br>
lived at a 1.5km distance from the nuclear plant, a young shop clerk, a<br>
Dutch woman who is working at a US-affiliated company, the leader of an<br>
organizing group of the movement. Except for the housewife from<br>
Fukushima, all of them represent diversity and the change of Japanese<br>
society. The prime minister is a former civil movement activist in the<br>
1970s who was affiliated to the DPJ.<br>
<br>
The hospital worker has a Ph.D. but could not get academic jobs. The<br>
young entrepreneur is independent from the big traditional corporations.<br>
The anarchist is a part-time lecturer and contemporary artist who plays<br>
music. The Dutch woman represents the effect of globalization, the shop<br>
clerk graduated from art school, the woman activist was an illustrator.<br>
<br>
You may imagine what kind of movement they would create between them.<br>
The movements after Fukushima were full of illustration, music,<br>
organizing, knowledge, skilled in IT-use. I think the character and<br>
features of these movements were similar to contemporary global<br>
democratic movements throughout the world.<br>
<br>
At first, people in established sectors, especially the Japanese mass<br>
media could not understand what was happening. Japanese mass media had<br>
had no similar experience of having to cover huge social movements for<br>
the previous 30 years. They had connections with labor unions and<br>
leftist parties but no contacts or skills to help them report on these<br>
new movements. At first they ignored the movements, then portrayed them<br>
as strange outsiders or a cultural fad. Japanese mass media actually<br>
failed to report on the movements at all until the activists finally met<br>
up with the Prime Minister. They were too entrenched in the social<br>
structure of the1980s and had no framework to understand the new<br>
situation. However, and I hate to say it, reactions from the authorities<br>
and the people in mainstream sectors, especially the more elderly among<br>
them had the same reaction as the mass media at the time.<br>
<br>
KW: What are the rules for protest in Japan? Why does the police try to<br>
partition the mass of protesters into small packages and keeps them<br>
lined up in a narrow row on the street as if making space for the cars<br>
(although traffic is suspended)? Why do protesters willingly obey? Has<br>
there been any modification to that practise since 3/11?<br>
<br>
EO: I guess ‘the rules’ might seem strange to western European people.<br>
However, demonstrations are actually prohibited in Singapore or<br>
Malaysia, of course in North Korea. But the level of democratization in<br>
Japan regarding permission for social movements is roughly average for<br>
that in all East Asian countries.<br>
<br>
Japanese police are strict in keeping social order, including traffic<br>
control. Since the 1970’s they have focused on keeping “Japan a clean,<br>
neat, safe society“ which many foreign tourists say they prefer. After<br>
11 March, social movements tried to break “the rule” at first, but met<br>
the heavy police response I describe in the film. The activists finally<br>
noticed that such an effort might cause endanger the movements of<br>
ordinary participants in a way that would be harmful to the movement.<br>
They changed their approach to activities and succeeded in mobilising<br>
200 thousand people to gather in front of the Prime Minister’s office in<br>
the summer of 2012. I remember that the activists said, “We have to<br>
proceed one step at a time.“ But I don’t think you can really<br>
characterise the people struggling in that situation as “willingly<br>
obedient“.<br>
<br>
KW: Did the post-3/11-movements inspire new policies in Japan? Did they<br>
have an impact on formal politics?<br>
<br>
EO: The answer must be ‘Yes’ and ‘No’. Regarding my role in the meeting<br>
with activists and the Prime Minister which is recorded in this film, I<br>
was a mediator. I have been a participant in the movement since April<br>
2011 as an ordinary activist who became one because I realized it held<br>
the prospect of changing society. Although I attended the meetings of<br>
organizers, I did not give any advice because I felt that was not my<br>
role and that they were skilled in mobilizing people.<br>
<br>
At the high point of the mobilisation, in July 2012 when 200 thousand<br>
people gathered in front of the Prime Minister’s office, I told the<br>
organizers I could introduce politicians to them, including Mr. Kan who<br>
was the Prime Minister at the time of the disaster. Many of the<br>
activists knew my face as a regular participant. But they did not know I<br>
was a professor. However, they accepted my offer because they needed to<br>
have good contacts and I have established a certain credibility among<br>
them as a modest, but regular participant. The administration and<br>
activists asked me to attend the meeting as a mediator, but I did not<br>
speak in the meeting because I trusted these people to be the skilful<br>
activists I knew they were.<br>
<br>
After the meeting, DPJ administration declared an abolition of nuclear<br>
energy until 2040. I know the decision was made not only because of<br>
pressure from the movement, but also because it was a political opportunity.<br>
<br>
The DPJ administration failed to cope with the nuclear disaster and lost<br>
support at that point. And the election for party leader, as it<br>
happened, was booked for September 2012. Although Mr. Kan had already<br>
resigned from the role of prime minister at that time, he had changed<br>
his opinion on nuclear energy as a result of his experience of nuclear<br>
disaster. The DPJ and the prime minister desperately needed to improve<br>
their popularity and votes from among Mr. Kan‘s faction in the party’s<br>
leadership elections. That was because Mr. Kan and his faction, whom I<br>
made a point of introducing to the activists, still had some influence<br>
over the DPJ administration.<br>
<br>
Most of the 54 nuclear reactors in Japan were built before the 1990s,<br>
when GDP and electricity demand peaked. This means that most of the<br>
nuclear reactors will have reached the end of their lives by 2040. In<br>
May 2012, all of the nuclear reactors had stopped production, but there<br>
was no shortage of electricity supply. I thought that political decision<br>
by DPJ was a reasonable one.<br>
<br>
To sum up, it was a combination of new movements and old politics that<br>
contributed to the decision to abolish nuclear energy. I knew that the<br>
meeting was only a kind of political ritual, but the ritual was a<br>
mechanism for social progress. Myself, a professor, ordinary<br>
participant and mediator at one and the same time, might have been one<br>
tiny factor in that process of change.<br>
<br>
KW: For many observers the year 2011 marks a unique moment in history,<br>
because around the globe various societies experienced breakthroughs –<br>
from the revolution in Egypt to the post-3/11-uprisings in Japan. Alain<br>
Badiou speaks of the "rebirth of history". What is the perception of the<br>
international situation from the point of view of the protest movements<br>
in Japan?<br>
<br>
EO: Have a look at the woman who blows the horn in the demonstration<br>
which was recorded in the later part of the film. She has graduated from<br>
a university in the arts, and made her debut as a Manga writer. However,<br>
the Manga industry is so exploitative that she gave up writing Manga.<br>
Then she became a planning manager in the development department of a<br>
big stationery company. But the hard work made her ill and after she<br>
married her business colleague, she quitted her job. After the Fukushima<br>
incident, she joined the anti-nuclear movement and took her place as a<br>
designer of flags and placards. She divorced her husband when he opposed<br>
her participation in the movement. Now she is working as a part-time<br>
librarian in a university and continuing to be active in the post-2011<br>
movements.<br>
<br>
Her face in the film seems full of anger, liberation, anxiety, and<br>
sadness. Anger against what? Liberation from what? Maybe nuclear<br>
disaster could have brought a death and a reincarnation to her social<br>
life. I think she represents all the instability and vitality of the<br>
world’s global movements since 2011, and human being in a time of<br>
historic change.<br>
<br>
KW: The "rebirth of history" has created the potential for inventing new<br>
narratives of the future. How did this incident give rise to future<br>
narratives that are emerging bottom-up rather than top down? What kind<br>
of new, bottom-up and democratic visions of the future have emerged?<br>
<br>
EO: Specifically in Japan, "we can't go back to the 80s" means a<br>
departure from stable, organized, wealthy society such as we had when<br>
“Japan was number one“. However, the top-down form of politics does not<br>
work any more, not only for social movements, but also in wider<br>
politics. Regarding Japan, LDP which represents the established sectors<br>
in Japan has lost over 80% of its party members since 1991 due to the<br>
reduced budget for public construction works, economic stagnation, the<br>
ageing and depopulating of local society, the decline of religions, and<br>
the atomization of the people.<br>
<br>
LDP seems to be trying to capture floating votes by appealing to<br>
rightist-oriented slogans similar to the manoeuvres of many eastern<br>
European administrations. But I think it shows that even LDP cannot live<br>
without bottom-up support. It shows also that social movements could<br>
have some impact on the political situation. I am not in the position to<br>
predict future because I am not a fortune-teller. However, as a<br>
sociologist and historian, the contemporary situation is on the move and<br>
dependent on something not yet certain. In the world we live in now,<br>
even dictatorship would not last long without some form of bottom-up<br>
democracy.<br>
<br>
The German version of this contribution is available under the title<br>
"Wiedergeburt der Zukunft" [5].<br>
<br>
--<br>
<br>
The screening of “Tell the Prime Minister” is followed by a talk with<br>
Eiji Oguma, who is one of the most important social thinkers and social<br>
historians in Japan. He is a professor of Historical Sociology at Keio<br>
University in Tokyo and the author of various books including “Democracy<br>
and patriots: Postwar Japanese Nationalism and the Public” (2004), “A<br>
Genealogy of Self-images of ‘Japanese’” (2002) and “The Boundaries of<br>
‘Japanese’” (2014). “Tell the Prime Minister” is his first film.<br>
<br>
This project is a cooperation between Berliner Gazette [6], SUPERMARKT<br>
[7], and Takemura Juku [8] in the context of the “Tacit Futures” project<br>
by Berliner Gazette.<br>
<br>
The TACIT FUTURES project has been launched in collaboration with<br>
transmediale with the program “Diving into Snowden Archives” at House of<br>
World Cultures, February 4 and 5. The Berliner Gazette is now working on<br>
a special section in its online newspaper. Around 40 reports, essays and<br>
interviews will be published throughout the year. Creative types of all<br>
sorts will get a chance to speak about the key questions relating to<br>
TACIT FUTURES. All texts will be contributed on a voluntary basis and<br>
published under a Creative Commons license. In parallel, the Berliner<br>
Gazette will organize more than 20 meet-ups, serving as the project’s<br>
cooperative platforms for dialogue about ideas and projects. Moreover,<br>
the Berliner Gazette plans to organize various partner-events. The TACIT<br>
FUTURES project will culminate in the international Berliner Gazette<br>
conference scheduled for October 27-29, 2016 in Berlin.<br>
<br>
Please spread the word about! We truly hope, that there will be a way to<br>
wire our ambitions and to embark upon a fruitful exchange.<br>
<br>
Links<br>
<br>
1.<br>
<a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/eiji-oguma-krystian-woznicki/japan-after-japan" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">https://www.opendemocracy.net/eiji-oguma-krystian-woznicki/japan-after-japan</a><br>
<br>
2. <a href="http://berlinergazette.de/feuilleton/jahresthemen/2016-tacit-futures/" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://berlinergazette.de/feuilleton/jahresthemen/2016-tacit-futures/</a><br>
3. <a href="http://bit.ly/21Zh2xc" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://bit.ly/21Zh2xc</a><br>
4. <a href="http://www.uplink.co.jp/kanteimae/index_en.php" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://www.uplink.co.jp/kanteimae/index_en.php</a><br>
5. <a href="http://berlinergazette.de/wiedergeburt-der-zukunft-in-japan" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://berlinergazette.de/wiedergeburt-der-zukunft-in-japan</a><br>
6. <a href="http://berlinergazette.de" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://berlinergazette.de</a><br>
7. <a href="http://supermarkt-berlin.net" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://supermarkt-berlin.net</a><br>
8. <a href="http://takemurajuku.com" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://takemurajuku.com</a><br>
<br>
--<br>
-------------------------------------------------<br>
<br>
TACIT FUTURES | BERLINER GAZETTE ANNUAL PROJECT 2016<br>
VISIONS FOR THE DEMOCRATIC CONTROL OF MOVEMENTS BY HUMANS AND BITS ALIKE<br>
<br>
TACIT FUTURES: Essays and Interviews (in German)<br>
<a href="http://berlinergazette.de/feuilleton/jahresthemen/2016-tacit-futures/" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://berlinergazette.de/feuilleton/jahresthemen/2016-tacit-futures/</a><br>
<br>
TACIT FUTURES: Diving into Snowden Archives | Panel + Workshops<br>
transmediale, Berlin, 4.-5.2.2016<br>
<a href="http://2016.transmediale.de/de/content/tacit-futures-diving-into-the-snowden-archives" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://2016.transmediale.de/de/content/tacit-futures-diving-into-the-snowden-archives</a><br>
<br>
TACIT FUTURES: Japan after Japan | Film screening + discussion<br>
Supermarkt, Berlin, 19.3.2016<br>
<a href="http://bit.ly/1QRcHub" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://bit.ly/1QRcHub</a><br>
<br>
TACIT FUTURES: BG annual conference | Workshops, Performances, Talks<br>
Volksbühne am Rosa-Luxemburg-Platz, 27.-29.10.2016<br>
<br>
TACIT FUTURES: Documents of BG's annual project<br>
Photos: <a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/berlinergazette/albums/72157662038932563" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">https://www.flickr.com/photos/berlinergazette/albums/72157662038932563</a><br>
Videos: <a href="https://vimeo.com/album/3785772" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">https://vimeo.com/album/3785772</a><br>
Audios: <a href="https://soundcloud.com/berliner-gazette/sets/tacit-futures" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">https://soundcloud.com/berliner-gazette/sets/tacit-futures</a><br>
<br>
-------------------------------------------------<br>
<br>
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