<html><head><meta http-equiv="content-type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8"></head><body dir="auto"><div>The guy is working for guardian and counting down doses by doses his mother's phils and we can not stop tears falling from eyes.. He gives London and Greece as address must be flying once or twice at least a moth between the two capital and counting down in the middle of text. If this is not an emotional exploitation and marketing what it is? </div><div><br></div><div>There, while, exist many Philippino cleaners, paperless immigrants living tens of years like that in the middle of London and other European cities. Guy says nothing about them, Africans sinking in greek waters to join in suffering of Greeks. I wonder can the author create a rhetorical context though which we could emphasize easier with those who really suffers. </div><div><br></div><div>Orsan </div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div><br>On 20 jul. 2015, at 22:01, peter waterman <<a href="mailto:peterwaterman1936@gmail.com">peterwaterman1936@gmail.com</a>> wrote:<br><br></div><blockquote type="cite"><div><div dir="ltr"><div class="gmail_default" style="font-size:small"><br clear="all"></div><br><div class=""><div class=""><div class=""><h2 id=":103" class="" tabindex="-1">traitor, hero, traitor, hero</h2><span id=":104" class=""></span></div></div></div><div class="" name="^i" title="Search for all messages with label Inbox" tabindex="0">Inbox</div><span class="" name="^i" title="Remove label Inbox from this conversation" tabindex="0">x</span><div class=""><div class=""><div class=""><div tabindex="-1" class=""><div class=""><div class=""><div><div style="" class="aDn" id=":10s"><div class="" style="display:"><div class=""><div class=""><img id=":0_0-e" name=":0" src="https://ssl.gstatic.com/ui/v1/icons/mail/profile_mask_2x.png" class="" style="background-color: rgb(204, 204, 204);"></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><table class="" cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr><td><h3 class=""><span name="Brian K. Murphy" class="">Brian K. Murphy</span> <span class=""><span><</span><a href="mailto:brian@radicalroad.com">brian@radicalroad.com</a><span>></span></span> </h3></td></tr></tbody></table><div class=""><span></span><span id=":10w" class="" title="Mon, Jul 20, 2015 at 6:39 PM" alt="Mon, Jul 20, 2015 at 6:39 PM">6:39 PM (3 hours ago)</span><div class="" tabindex="0" style="outline:0px none"><span class=""><img class="" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/images/cleardot.gif" alt=""></span></div></div><table class="" cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr><td class=""><div class=""><span class="">to <span dir="ltr" name="WSF_Discussion" class="">WSF_Discussion</span> </span></div><div class=""><img class="" id=":117" src="https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/images/cleardot.gif" alt=""></div></td></tr></tbody></table><div id=":10u" class=""><div id=":10t" class="" style="overflow:hidden;height:40px"><div bgcolor="#FFFFFF"><font face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.byline.com/column/11/article/164" target="_blank">https://www.byline.com/column/11/article/164</a><br>
<font color="#3333ff"><b>ALEXIS TSIPRAS: HERO, TRAITOR, HERO,
TRAITOR, HERO</b></font><br>
<br>
Alex Andreou | Athens, Greece & London, UK | 13 July 2015<br>
<br>
It is revealing of the political landscape in Europe - indeed, the
world - that everyone's dreams of socialism seemed to rest on the
shoulders of the young Prime Minister of a small country. There
seemed to be a fervent, irrational, almost evangelical belief that
a tiny country, drowning in debt, gasping for liquidity, would
somehow (and that somehow is never specified) defeat global
capitalism, armed only with sticks and rocks.<br>
<br>
When it looked like it wouldn't happen, they turned. "Tsipras
capitulated." "He is a traitor." The complexity of international
politics was reduced to a hashtag, that quickly changed from
variants of #prayfortsipras to variants of #tsiprasresign. The
world demanded its climax, its X-factor final, its Hollywood
dénouement. Anything other than a fight to the death was
unacceptable cowardice. <br>
<br>
How easy it is to be ideologically pure when you are risking
nothing. When you are not facing shortages, the collapse of social
cohesion, civil conflict, life and death. How easy it is to demand
a deal that would plainly never be accepted by any of the other
Eurozone member states. How easy brave decisions are when you have
no skin in the game, when you are not counting down, as I am, the
last twenty-four doses of the medication which prevents your
mother from having seizures. <br>
<br>
Twenty doses. Fourteen. <br>
<br>
It is a peculiar feature of pathological negativity to focus only
on what is lost instead of what is gained. It is the very same
attitude that means sections of every country's population - long
for their perfect Socialist Utopia while simultaneously avoiding
tax every way they can. <br>
<br>
The idea of Tsipras as a "traitor" relies heavily on a cynical
misinterpretation of the referendum last week. "OXI", the critics
would have you believe, was "no" to any sort of deal; an
authorisation to disorderly Grexit. It was nothing of the sort. In
speech after speech Tsipras said again and again that he needed a
strong "OXI" to use as a negotiating weapon in order to achieve a
better deal. Did you all miss that? Now, you may think he didn't
achieve a better deal - that may be fair - but to suggest it
authorised Grexit is deeply disingenuous. And what about the 38%
that voted "NAI"? Was Tsipras not there representing those people,
too? <br>
<br>
Fear not. The deal may prove unworkable anyway. It may not be
passed by Greek Parliament. Syriza might tear itself apart from
within. Grexit may be forced by those who have been trying to make
it happen for years now. Then we get to assess what your better
outcome looks like. <br>
<br>
Twelve doses. Ten.<br>
<br>
The agreement that Tsipras achieved (caveat: as we know it) after
negotiating for 17 hours, is a lot worse than anyone could have
imagined. It is also a lot better than anyone could hope. It
simply depends on whether you focus on what has been lost or what
has been gained. The loss is a package of horrific austerity. It
is a package which, anyone with any political understanding knows,
was coming anyway. The only difference is that, through a
compliant government like the previous ones, it would be
accompanied by no compensations. <br>
<br>
What has been gained in return is much more money than previously
imagined to properly fund the medium term and allow the government
to implement its programme, a significant stimulus package, the
release of EFSF money which had until now been denied (to the
"good" government of Samaras), and an agreement to restructure
debt, by transferring bonds from IMF and ECB to the ESM. That is
nothing, hecklers heckle. ERT analyst Michael Gelantalis estimates
this last part alone to be worth between eight and ten billion
less in interest repayments a year. That is a lot of souvlaki.<br>
<br>
In the last few hours I have been told that Greece "should just
#Grexit NOW"; that we have "a wonderful climate and could easily
be self-sufficient"; that we "should adopt bitcoin and
crowdfunding to circumvent monetarism"; that "the US would send us
medicine". None of these people are suggesting that this should
happen in their own country, you understand. Just Greece, so they
can see what happens. Most of them live in states with centrist
governments, which espouse austerity, but guarantee a steady
supply of the latest iPad to the shops. All of them, without
exception, could have negotiated a much better deal with a knife
to their throat; could have been braver. <br>
<br>
My question to those critics is: What battles are you fighting in
your country, city, town, right now? And at what risk? Are you
not, in fact, just as bad as the hardcore austerity ideologues
that want to experiment with a "toy country", with people's lives,
and see how it pans out?<br>
<br>
Eight doses. Five. <br>
<br>
Seen as a sort of Helm's Deep, this defeat for the Greeks is
monumental, irredeemable. It is the "all is lost" moment. Seen as
one opening battle in much larger war, it is hugely valuable. It
has drawn the enemy out into the fore, exposed its strengths and
weaknesses. It has provided intelligence to others, in Spain and
Portugal and Italy, which will ensure they're better prepared. It
has been bravely fought. And smartly, because Greece gets to live
to fight another day. <br>
<br>
We elected a good, honest and brave man, who fought like a lion
against unfathomably large interests. The result may not be the
martyrdom for which you had hoped. But it will do for now. <br>
_________<br>
<br>
<b>Note from Byline:</b> Alex Andreou is crowdfunding his ongoing
coverage of the Greek Crisis. Please consider contributing a few
pounds through the link on the right of the page.</font></div></div></div>-- <br><div class="gmail_signature"><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><font size="1"><span style="font-family:monospace,monospace"><b><font color="#ff0000">Recent publications</font></b></span></font><br><br><font size="1"><span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)">1. </span>2014. From Coldwar Communism to the Global Justice Movement: Itinerary of a Long-Distance Internationalist. <a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism" target="_blank">http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism</a> _to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/ (Free).<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"> 2.</span> 2014. Interface Journal Special (Co-Editor), December 2014. 'Social Movement Internationalisms'. (Free).<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)">3.</span> 2014. with Laurence Cox, ‘Movement Internationalism/s’, Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. (Editorial), Vol. 6 (2), pp. 1–12.<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"> 4.</span> 2014. ‘The International Labour Movement in, Against and Beyond, the Globalized and Informatized Cage of Capitalism and Bureaucracy. (Interview). Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. Vol. 6 (2), pp. 35-58.<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"> 5.</span> 2014. 'The Networked Internationalism of Labour's Others', in Jai Sen (ed), Peter Waterman (co-ed), The Movement of Movements: Struggles for Other Worlds (Part I). (10 Euros).<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"> 6. </span>2015. Waterman, Peter. <a href="https://escarpmentpress.org/globallabour/article/download/2338/2433" target="_blank">‘Beyond Labourism, Development and Decent Work’.</a> Global Labour Journal, 2015, 6(2), pp. 246-50.</font><br><br></div><div><font size="1"><span style="font-family:monospace,monospace"><font color="#ff0000"><b>More publications, click [////]</b></font><br></span></font></div><div><table cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr></tr></tbody></table><font size="1">
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