<html><head><meta http-equiv="content-type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8"></head><body dir="auto"><div><span></span></div><div><meta http-equiv="content-type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8"><div>As coincidence was doing a re-reading of the first chapter of Laclau-Mouffe's hegemony and socialist strategy: towards a radical democracy.</div><div><br></div><div>Doing so, in the light of crisis and failure of Syriza, and on the backdrop of Paul's account of post-capitalsm, it gets clear why and how the destiny of good people or good actions fails like they are doomed like the destiny is in evils hands... of all orthodox-revisionist-reformist-revolutionary-thirdwordist-nationalist-liberal-internationalist-academic versions of Marxisms, solely cognitive-theory-affect-immaterial labour-policy-culture- led class war or compromise, or corporative forms (by organiser-party-academic-activist etc.) and versions of the left -which are not or well interested in building, earth, labour, creating something concrete for themselves and others etc.</div><div> </div><div>Seems like capitalism wins all the time but wtf is its secret, it is definitely not a hidden invisible hand mechanism. It is, but, those practical analytic and organizational characters of capitalist intra-class struggle that allow the survival of the fittest version of it, they oppress and exploit better, that is superior and more dominant at structural level wins intra and inter class rivalries all the time. </div><div><br></div><div>Paul puts all the discussion nicely in news format. there is behind in the story a capitalist like (skills wise) class emerging with a world vision, executive cognitive skills and information. That is why this time capitalist is in trouble; hard to culturally, mentally, subjectively subordinate the emergent... It has to deal with it and comprise at the systemic level. So it is not only BRICs and geopolitical tectonic shift what is happening. </div><div><br></div><div>Wether the new classes of informational transnational capitalism (hackers, ITC giants, entrepreneur cadre on one side knowledge workers, deskilled automated designers, creative low wage labour, etc. on the other as parts). It is important to understand what the given bracket segments of these classes are capable of, their world visions are, yet it is clear that the Labourer segments are able to combine their arm and brain power as skillful as their capitalist counterparts, if not better sometimes. </div><div><br></div><div>with a broader universal vision, transforming such potentially structural advantage into reality survival of the capitalist and industrial capitalist will be depend on its approach and level of for compromise in order to keep the system as capitalism as possible. Otherwise new class forces of informationalists will swallow capitalist order and mould it into new system somewhere soon. This new system can be more exploitative or oppressive then capitalism, or more emancipatory and freeing; that will be decided out of conscious struggles that are already being given. </div><div><br></div><div>the way Paul draws the story here sounds very similar to me, to the way Laclau and Mouffe evaluated Bersntein's vision of emerging late <a href="http://19.cc"><font color="red"><b>MailScanner warning: numerical links are often malicious:</b></font> 19.cc</a> electricity and telegram based industrial capitalism, and their own vision of globalization of the 80s and 90s; as well as their Own political vision put forward in the book as re-revisionism. </div><div><br></div><div>Which overlooks, imo. and exclude the power of dialectical, or with Alexander Bogdanov's words, tektological interrelationships between higher level structural complexes (wholes) and lower level ones (pieces). I think the secret of capitals win overs, and labour's defeats; or ruler's winnings and loses of the ruled in general lies here. </div><div><br></div><div>Why we have stayed behind of the right, is because a missing link. In theory and practice. A big time loss of chance to develop an understanding and methodology of organization of relationships between pieces and wholes, structures and agencies, dialectic between and within things and minds; both in terms or making of the natural and the social.</div><div><br></div><div>Main reason, imo, behind this was an historical kick given by no one else then Lenin to his rival out of political greed. That was Bogdanov who was eliminated by Lenin in 1908 but still shaped his own world view, understanding of the world, classes, dialectics, and imperialism. Bogdanov's thoughts, scientific, political and philosophical innovations and work thrown in basement through the 20th century but influenced Lenin, Bukharin, Galiev, and Trosky amongst others. </div><div><br></div><div>I like to suggest McKenzie Wark's Molecular Red, that I had been waiting long to come out, yet sort of disappointed after reading. Although brilliant in terms of new insights and valorization of Bogdanov's ideas and work, what is missing in Wark's own point of view in my opinion the impact Bodganov made on those names like Wiener, Bertallanfy, Hayek, Misses, Piaget, Lazlo, Veblen, etc. who saved and refaced capitalism from itself throughout the last century Who </div><div><br></div><div>Bogdanov's vision did not only influence and determine these letters success individually, but allowed organic intellectuals of capital to develop the Panopticon powers of capital, especially during the second war and in its aftermath. </div><div><br></div><div>While left system analysis, left structuralism, left post structuralism, post modernism, post Marxism, revisionisms, reformisms all suffer based on system analysis, cybernetics, chaos and network modeling, behavioral and informatics control capitalism empowered and emerged as immortal vampire because while we all lost Bogdanov they did find and exploited his ideas and vision. </div><div><br></div><div>Here is Bogdanov library: <a href="http://monoskop.org/Alexander_Bogdanov">http://monoskop.org/Alexander_Bogdanov</a></div><div>Red Star - first Bolshevik sci-fie utopia by Bogdanov: <a href="http://monoskop.org/images/4/48/Bogdanov_Alexander_Red_Star_The_First_Bolshevik_Utopia.pdf">http://monoskop.org/images/4/48/Bogdanov_Alexander_Red_Star_The_First_Bolshevik_Utopia.pdf</a></div><div>Wark's book and reader: <a href="http://www.versobooks.com/books/1886-molecular-red">http://www.versobooks.com/books/1886-molecular-red</a></div><div>Zizek on Wark's book: <a href="http://www.versobooks.com/blogs/2007-ecology-against-mother-nature-slavoj-zizek-on-molecular-red">http://www.versobooks.com/blogs/2007-ecology-against-mother-nature-slavoj-zizek-on-molecular-red</a></div><div><br></div><div>Orsan</div><div><br></div><div><br><div>Sent from my iPad</div>On 18 jul. 2015, at 10:17, Riaz K Tayob <<a href="mailto:riaz.tayob@gmail.com">riaz.tayob@gmail.com</a>> wrote:<br><br></div><blockquote type="cite"><div><meta http-equiv="content-type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8"><div>Like the end of the U.S. Empire, the 'pronouncement' is a premature. This is the most revolutionary system yet encountered... And will do its stuff for A bit yet... <br><br>...,...</div><div><br>On 18 Jul 2015, at 10:36 AM, peter waterman <<a href="mailto:peterwaterman1936@gmail.com">peterwaterman1936@gmail.com</a>> wrote:<br><br></div><blockquote type="cite"><div><div dir="ltr"><div class="gmail_default" style="font-size:small"><div class="">
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The end of capitalism has begun
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<p>Without us noticing, we are entering the postcapitalist era. At the
heart of further change to come is information technology, new ways of
working and the sharing economy. The old ways will take a long while to
disappear, but it’s time to be utopian</p>
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<a href="http://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/jul/17/postcapitalism-end-of-capitalism-begun#img-1" class=""></span></div>
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Welcome to an age of sharing. Illustration by Joe Magee
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<p class=""><span itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" itemprop="author">
<a rel="author" class="" itemprop="url name" href="http://www.theguardian.com/profile/paul-mason">Paul Mason</a></span></p>
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Friday 17 July 2015 <span class="">11.00 BST</span>
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<p><span class=""><span class="">T</span></span>he red flags and marching songs of <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/syriza" class="">Syriza</a> during the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/business/debt-crisis" class="">Greek crisis</a>,
plus the expectation that the banks would be nationalised, revived
briefly a 20th-century dream: the forced destruction of the market from
above. For much of the 20th century this was how the left conceived the
first stage of an economy beyond capitalism. The force would be applied
by the working class, either at the ballot box or on the barricades. The
lever would be the state. The opportunity would come through frequent
episodes of economic collapse.</p>
<p>Instead over the past 25 years it has been the left’s project that
has collapsed. The market destroyed the plan; individualism replaced
collectivism and solidarity; the hugely expanded workforce of the world
looks like a “proletariat”, but no longer thinks or behaves as it once
did.</p>
<p>If you lived through all this, and disliked capitalism, it was
traumatic. But in the process technology has created a new route out,
which the remnants of the old left – and all other forces influenced by
it – have either to embrace or die. Capitalism, it turns out, will not
be abolished by forced-march techniques. It will be abolished by
creating something more dynamic that exists, at first, almost unseen
within the old system, but which will break through, reshaping the
economy around new values and behaviours. I call this postcapitalism.</p>
<p>As with the end of feudalism 500 years ago, capitalism’s replacement
by postcapitalism will be accelerated by external shocks and shaped by
the emergence of a new kind of human being. And it has started.</p>
<p>Postcapitalism is possible because of three major changes information
technology has brought about in the past 25 years. First, it has
reduced the need for work, blurred the edges between work and free time
and loosened the relationship between work and wages. The coming wave of
automation, currently stalled because our social infrastructure cannot
bear the consequences, will hugely diminish the amount of work needed –
not just to subsist but to provide a decent life for all.</p>
<p>Second, information is corroding the market’s ability to form prices
correctly. That is because markets are based on scarcity while
information is abundant. The system’s defence mechanism is to form
monopolies – the giant tech companies – on a scale not seen in the past
200 years, yet they cannot last. By building business models and share
valuations based on the capture and privatisation of all socially
produced information, such firms are constructing a fragile corporate
edifice at odds with the most basic need of humanity, which is to use
ideas freely.</p>
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<h1 class=""><a class="">British capitalism is broken. Here’s how to fix it</a></h1>
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<p>Third, we’re seeing the spontaneous rise of collaborative production:
goods, services and organisations are appearing that no longer respond
to the dictates of the market and the managerial hierarchy. The biggest
information product in the world – <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/wikipedia" class="">Wikipedia</a>
– is made by volunteers for free, abolishing the encyclopedia business
and depriving the advertising industry of an estimated $3bn a year in
revenue.</p>
<p>Almost unnoticed, in the niches and hollows of the market system,
whole swaths of economic life are beginning to move to a different
rhythm. Parallel currencies, time banks, cooperatives and self-managed
spaces have proliferated, barely noticed by the economics profession,
and often as a direct result of the shattering of the old structures in
the post-2008 crisis.</p>
<p>You only find this new economy if you look hard for it. In Greece,
when a grassroots NGO mapped the country’s food co-ops, alternative
producers, parallel currencies and local exchange systems they found
more than 70 substantive projects and hundreds of smaller initiatives
ranging from squats to carpools to free kindergartens. To mainstream
economics such things seem barely to qualify as economic activity – but
that’s the point. They exist because they trade, however haltingly and
inefficiently, in the currency of postcapitalism: free time, networked
activity and free stuff. It seems a meagre and unofficial and even
dangerous thing from which to craft an entire alternative to a global
system, but so did money and credit in the age of Edward III.</p>
<a href="http://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/jul/17/postcapitalism-end-of-capitalism-begun#img-2" class=""></span><img src="http://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2015/7/16/1437059140536/9e4073aa-49d4-4dfa-90c5-2d21f18699de-2060x1236.jpeg?w=300&q=85&auto=format&sharp=10&s=4a5389a24a2e79b237d2b4497d0d8665" alt="Post-capitalism apple trees. Illustration by Joe Magee" class="" itemprop="contentUrl"><span class=""></a>
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Sharing the fruits of our labour. Illustration by Joe Magee
<p>New forms of ownership, new forms of lending, new legal contracts: a
whole business subculture has emerged over the past 10 years, which the
media has dubbed the “sharing economy”. Buzzwords such as the “commons”
and “peer-production” are thrown around, but few have bothered to ask
what this development means for capitalism itself.</p>
<p>I believe it offers an escape route – but only if these micro-level
projects are nurtured, promoted and protected by a fundamental change in
what governments do. And this must be driven by a change in our
thinking – about technology, ownership and work. So that, when we create
the elements of the new system, we can say to ourselves, and to others:
“This is no longer simply my survival mechanism, my bolt hole from the
neoliberal world; this is a new way of living in the process of
formation.”</p>
<p> ...</p>
<p>The 2008 crash wiped 13% off global production and 20% off global
trade. Global growth became negative – on a scale where anything below
+3% is counted as a recession. It produced, in the west, a depression
phase longer than in 1929-33, and even now, amid a pallid recovery, has
left mainstream economists terrified about the prospect of long-term
stagnation. The aftershocks in Europe are tearing the continent apart.</p>
<p>The solutions have been austerity plus monetary excess. But they are
not working. In the worst-hit countries, the pension system has been
destroyed, the retirement age is being hiked to 70, and education is
being privatised so that graduates now face a lifetime of high debt.
Services are being dismantled and infrastructure projects put on hold.</p>
<p>Even now many people fail to grasp the true meaning of the word
“austerity”. Austerity is not eight years of spending cuts, as in the
UK, or even the social catastrophe inflicted on Greece. It means driving
the wages, social wages and living standards in the west down for
decades until they meet those of the middle class in China and India on
the way up.</p>
<p>Meanwhile in the absence of any alternative model, the conditions for
another crisis are being assembled. Real wages have fallen or remained
stagnant in Japan, the southern Eurozone, the US and UK. The shadow
banking system has been reassembled, and is now bigger than it was in
2008. New rules demanding banks hold more reserves have been watered
down or delayed. Meanwhile, flushed with free money, the 1% has got
richer.</p>
<p>Neoliberalism, then, has morphed into a system programmed to inflict
recurrent catastrophic failures. Worse than that, it has broken the
200-year pattern of industrial capitalism wherein an economic crisis
spurs new forms of technological innovation that benefit everybody.</p>
<p>That is because neoliberalism was the first economic model in 200
years the upswing of which was premised on the suppression of wages and
smashing the social power and resilience of the working class. If we
review the take-off periods studied by long-cycle theorists – the 1850s
in Europe, the 1900s and 1950s across the globe – it was the strength of
organised labour that forced entrepreneurs and corporations to stop
trying to revive outdated business models through wage cuts, and to
innovate their way to a new form of capitalism.</p>
<p>The result is that, in each upswing, we find a synthesis of
automation, higher wages and higher-value consumption. Today there is no
pressure from the workforce, and the technology at the centre of this
innovation wave does not demand the creation of higher-consumer
spending, or the re‑employment of the old workforce in new jobs.
Information is a machine for grinding the price of things lower and
slashing the work time needed to support life on the planet.</p>
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<h1 class=""><a class="">Occupy was right: capitalism has failed the world</a></h1>
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<p>As a result, large parts of the business class have become
neo-luddites. Faced with the possibility of creating gene-sequencing
labs, they instead start coffee shops, nail bars and contract cleaning
firms: the banking system, the planning system and late neoliberal
culture reward above all the creator of low-value, long-hours jobs.</p>
<p>Innovation is happening but it has not, so far, triggered the fifth
long upswing for capitalism that long-cycle theory would expect. The
reasons lie in the specific nature of information technology.</p>
<p>...</p>
<p>We’re surrounded not just by intelligent machines but by a new layer
of reality centred on information. Consider an airliner: a computer
flies it; it has been designed, stress-tested and “virtually
manufactured” millions of times; it is firing back real-time information
to its manufacturers. On board are people squinting at screens
connected, in some lucky countries, to the internet.</p>
<p>Seen from the ground it is the same white metal bird as in the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/film/jamesbond" class="">James Bond</a>
era. But it is now both an intelligent machine and a node on a network.
It has an information content and is adding “information value” as well
as physical value to the world. On a packed business flight, when
everyone’s peering at Excel or Powerpoint, the passenger cabin is best
understood as an information factory.</p>
<a href="http://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/jul/17/postcapitalism-end-of-capitalism-begun#img-3" class=""></span><img src="http://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2015/7/16/1437059190135/ccc3ceea-ac03-495b-a649-b723f77cfc5c-2060x1091.jpeg?w=300&q=85&auto=format&sharp=10&s=b785ed7bcfdc57facefe816aec475443" alt="Postcapitalism evolution. Illustration by Joe Magee" class="" itemprop="contentUrl"><span class=""></a>
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Is it utopian to believe we’re on the verge of an evolution beyond capitalism? Illustration by Joe Magee
<p>But what is all this information worth? You won’t find an answer in
the accounts: intellectual property is valued in modern accounting
standards by guesswork. A study for the SAS Institute in 2013 found
that, in order to put a value on data, neither the cost of gathering it,
nor the market value or the future income from it could be adequately
calculated. Only through a form of accounting that included non-economic
benefits, and risks, could companies actually explain to their
shareholders what their data was really worth. Something is broken in
the logic we use to value the most important thing in the modern world.</p>
<p>The great technological advance of the early 21st century consists
not only of new objects and processes, but of old ones made intelligent.
The knowledge content of products is becoming more valuable than the
physical things that are used to produce them. But it is a value
measured as usefulness, not exchange or asset value. In the 1990s
economists and technologists began to have the same thought at once:
that this new role for information was creating a new, “third” kind of
capitalism – as different from industrial capitalism as industrial
capitalism was to the merchant and slave capitalism of the 17th and 18th
centuries. But they have struggled to describe the dynamics of the new
“cognitive” capitalism. And for a reason. Its dynamics are profoundly
non-capitalist.</p>
<p>During and right after the second world war, economists viewed
information simply as a “public good”. The US government even decreed
that no profit should be made out of patents, only from the production
process itself. Then we began to understand intellectual property. In
1962, Kenneth Arrow, the guru of mainstream economics, said that in a
free market economy the purpose of inventing things is to create
intellectual property rights. He noted: “precisely to the extent that it
is successful there is an underutilisation of information.”</p>
<p>You can observe the truth of this in every e-business model ever
constructed: monopolise and protect data, capture the free social data
generated by user interaction, push commercial forces into areas of data
production that were non-commercial before, mine the existing data for
predictive value – always and everywhere ensuring nobody but the
corporation can utilise the results.</p>
<p>If we restate Arrow’s principle in reverse, its revolutionary
implications are obvious: if a free market economy plus intellectual
property leads to the “underutilisation of information”, then an economy
based on the full utilisation of information cannot tolerate the free
market or absolute intellectual property rights. The business models of
all our modern digital giants are designed to prevent the abundance of
information.</p>
<p>Yet information is abundant. Information goods are freely replicable.
Once a thing is made, it can be copied/pasted infinitely. A music track
or the giant database you use to build an airliner has a production
cost; but its cost of reproduction falls towards zero. Therefore, if the
normal price mechanism of capitalism prevails over time, its price will
fall towards zero, too.</p>
<p>For the past 25 years economics has been wrestling with this problem:
all mainstream economics proceeds from a condition of scarcity, yet the
most dynamic force in our modern world is abundant and, as hippy genius
Stewart Brand once put it, “wants to be free”.</p>
<p>There is, alongside the world of monopolised information and
surveillance created by corporations and governments, a different
dynamic growing up around information: information as a social good,
free at the point of use, incapable of being owned or exploited or
priced. I’ve surveyed the attempts by economists and business gurus to
build a framework to understand the dynamics of an economy based on
abundant, socially-held information. But it was actually imagined by one
19th-century economist in the era of the telegraph and the steam
engine. His name? <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/books/karl-marx" class="">Karl Marx</a>.</p>
<p>...</p>
<p>The scene is Kentish Town, London, February 1858, sometime around
4am. Marx is a wanted man in Germany and is hard at work scribbling
thought-experiments and notes-to-self. When they finally get to see what
Marx is writing on this night, the left intellectuals of the 1960s will
admit that it “challenges every serious interpretation of Marx yet
conceived”. It is called “The Fragment on Machines”.</p>
<p>In the “Fragment” Marx imagines an economy in which the main role of
machines is to produce, and the main role of people is to supervise
them. He was clear that, in such an economy, the main productive force
would be information. The productive power of such machines as the
automated cotton-spinning machine, the telegraph and the steam
locomotive did not depend on the amount of labour it took to produce
them but on the state of social knowledge. Organisation and knowledge,
in other words, made a bigger contribution to productive power than the
work of making and running the machines.</p>
<p>Given what Marxism was to become – a theory of exploitation based on
the theft of labour time – this is a revolutionary statement. It
suggests that, once knowledge becomes a productive force in its own
right, outweighing the actual labour spent creating a machine, the big
question becomes not one of “wages versus profits” but who controls what
Marx called the “power of knowledge”.</p>
<p>In an economy where machines do most of the work, the nature of the
knowledge locked inside the machines must, he writes, be “social”. In a
final late-night thought experiment Marx imagined the end point of this
trajectory: the creation of an “ideal machine”, which lasts forever and
costs nothing. A machine that could be built for nothing would, he said,
add no value at all to the production process and rapidly, over several
accounting periods, reduce the price, profit and labour costs of
everything else it touched.</p>
<p>Once you understand that information is physical, and that software
is a machine, and that storage, bandwidth and processing power are
collapsing in price at exponential rates, the value of Marx’s thinking
becomes clear. We are surrounded by machines that cost nothing and
could, if we wanted them to, last forever.</p>
<p>In these musings, not published until the mid-20th century, Marx
imagined information coming to be stored and shared in something called a
“general intellect” – which was the mind of everybody on Earth
connected by social knowledge, in which every upgrade benefits
everybody. In short, he had imagined something close to the information
economy in which we live. And, he wrote, its existence would “blow
capitalism sky high”.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Marx imagined something close to our information economy. He wrote its existence would blow capitalism sky high</p>
</blockquote>
<p>...</p>
<p>With the terrain changed, the old path beyond capitalism imagined by the left of the 20th century is lost.</p>
<p>But a different path has opened up. Collaborative production, using
network technology to produce goods and services that only work when
they are free, or shared, defines the route beyond the market system. It
will need the state to create the framework – just as it created the
framework for factory labour, sound currencies and free trade in the
early 19th century. The postcapitalist sector is likely to coexist with
the market sector for decades, but major change is happening.</p>
<p>Networks restore “granularity” to the postcapitalist project. That
is, they can be the basis of a non-market system that replicates itself,
which does not need to be created afresh every morning on the computer
screen of a commissar.</p>
<p>The transition will involve the state, the market and collaborative
production beyond the market. But to make it happen, the entire project
of the left, from protest groups to the mainstream social democratic and
liberal parties, will have to be reconfigured. In fact, once people
understand the logic of the postcapitalist transition, such ideas will
no longer be the property of the left – but of a much wider movement,
for which we will need new labels.</p>
<p>Who can make this happen? In the old left project it was the
industrial working class. More than 200 years ago, the radical
journalist John Thelwall warned the men who built the English factories
that they had created a new and dangerous form of democracy: “Every
large workshop and manufactory is a sort of political society, which no
act of parliament can silence, and no magistrate disperse.”</p>
<p>Today the whole of society is a factory. We all participate in the
creation and recreation of the brands, norms and institutions that
surround us. At the same time the communication grids vital for everyday
work and profit are buzzing with shared knowledge and discontent. Today
it is the network – like the workshop 200 years ago – that they “cannot
silence or disperse”.</p>
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Manuel Castells: how modern political movements straddle urban space and cyberspace
<p>True, states can shut down <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/facebook" class="">Facebook</a>, <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/twitter" class="">Twitter</a>,
even the entire internet and mobile network in times of crisis,
paralysing the economy in the process. And they can store and monitor
every kilobyte of information we produce. But they cannot reimpose the
hierarchical, propaganda-driven and ignorant society of 50 years ago,
except – as in China, North Korea or Iran – by opting out of key parts
of modern life. It would be, as sociologist Manuel Castells put it, like
trying to de-electrify a country.</p>
<p>By creating millions of networked people, financially exploited but
with the whole of human intelligence one thumb-swipe away,
info-capitalism has created a new agent of change in history: the
educated and connected human being.</p>
<p>...</p>
<p>This will be more than just an economic transition. There are, of
course, the parallel and urgent tasks of decarbonising the world and
dealing with demographic and fiscal timebombs. But I’m concentrating on
the economic transition triggered by information because, up to now, it
has been sidelined. Peer-to-peer has become pigeonholed as a niche
obsession for visionaries, while the “big boys” of leftwing economics
get on with critiquing austerity.</p>
<a href="http://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/jul/17/postcapitalism-end-of-capitalism-begun#img-4" class=""></span><img src="http://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2015/7/16/1437059260984/b7612910-d82d-4b34-a836-ca2dca0c1b34-1020x902.jpeg?w=300&q=85&auto=format&sharp=10&s=ba2a26636dfc6eb56e6c73a00c110d33" alt="Illustration by Joe Magee" class="" itemprop="contentUrl"><span class=""></a>
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Information wants to be free. Illustration by Joe Magee
<p>In fact, on the ground in places such as Greece, resistance to
austerity and the creation of “networks you can’t default on” – as one
activist put it to me – go hand in hand. Above all, postcapitalism as a
concept is about new forms of human behaviour that conventional
economics would hardly recognise as relevant.</p>
<p>So how do we visualise the transition ahead? The only coherent
parallel we have is the replacement of feudalism by capitalism – and
thanks to the work of epidemiologists, geneticists and data analysts, we
know a lot more about that transition than we did 50 years ago when it
was “owned” by social science. The first thing we have to recognise is:
different modes of production are structured around different things.
Feudalism was an economic system structured by customs and laws about
“obligation”. Capitalism was structured by something purely economic:
the market. We can predict, from this, that postcapitalism – whose
precondition is abundance – will not simply be a modified form of a
complex market society. But we can only begin to grasp at a positive
vision of what it will be like.</p>
<p>I don’t mean this as a way to avoid the question: the general
economic parameters of a postcapitalist society by, for example, the
year 2075, can be outlined. But if such a society is structured around
human liberation, not economics, unpredictable things will begin to
shape it.</p>
<p>For example, the most obvious thing to Shakespeare, writing in 1600,
was that the market had called forth new kinds of behaviour and
morality. By analogy, the most obvious “economic” thing to the
Shakespeare of 2075 will be the total upheaval in gender relationships,
or sexuality, or health. Perhaps there will not even be any playwrights:
perhaps the very nature of the media we use to tell stories will change
– just as it changed in Elizabethan London when the first public
theatres were built.</p>
<p>Think of the difference between, say, Horatio in <a href="https://bookshop.theguardian.com/catalogsearch/result/?q=Hamlet&order=relevance&dir=desc" class=""></em><em>Hamlet</a> and a character such as Daniel Doyce in Dickens’s <a href="https://bookshop.theguardian.com/catalogsearch/result/?q=Little+Dorrit&order=relevance&dir=desc" class=""></em><em>Little Dorrit</a>.
Both carry around with them a characteristic obsession of their age –
Horatio is obsessed with humanist philosophy; Doyce is obsessed with
patenting his invention. There can be no character like Doyce in
Shakespeare; he would, at best, get a bit part as a working-class comic
figure. Yet, by the time Dickens described Doyce, most of his readers
knew somebody like him. Just as Shakespeare could not have imagined
Doyce, so we too cannot imagine the kind of human beings society will
produce once economics is no longer central to life. But we can see
their prefigurative forms in the lives of young people all over the
world breaking down 20th-century barriers around sexuality, work,
creativity and the self.</p>
<p>The feudal model of agriculture collided, first, with environmental
limits and then with a massive external shock – the Black Death. After
that, there was a demographic shock: too few workers for the land, which
raised their wages and made the old feudal obligation system impossible
to enforce. The labour shortage also forced technological innovation.
The new technologies that underpinned the rise of merchant capitalism
were the ones that stimulated commerce (printing and accountancy), the
creation of tradeable wealth (mining, the compass and fast ships) and
productivity (mathematics and the scientific method).</p>
<p>Present throughout the whole process was something that looks
incidental to the old system – money and credit – but which was actually
destined to become the basis of the new system. In feudalism, many laws
and customs were actually shaped around ignoring money; credit was, in
high feudalism, seen as sinful. So when money and credit burst through
the boundaries to create a market system, it felt like a revolution.
Then, what gave the new system its energy was the discovery of a
virtually unlimited source of free wealth in the Americas.</p>
<p>A combination of all these factors took a set of people who had been
marginalised under feudalism – humanists, scientists, craftsmen,
lawyers, radical preachers and bohemian playwrights such as Shakespeare –
and put them at the head of a social transformation. At key moments,
though tentatively at first, the state switched from hindering the
change to promoting it.</p>
<p>Today, the thing that is corroding capitalism, barely rationalised by
mainstream economics, is information. Most laws concerning information
define the right of corporations to hoard it and the right of states to
access it, irrespective of the human rights of citizens. The equivalent
of the printing press and the scientific method is information
technology and its spillover into all other technologies, from genetics
to healthcare to agriculture to the movies, where it is quickly reducing
costs.</p>
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<h1 class=""><a class="">David Graeber interview: ‘So many people spend their working lives doing jobs they think are unnecessary’</a></h1>
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<p>The modern equivalent of the long stagnation of late feudalism is the
stalled take-off of the third industrial revolution, where instead of
rapidly automating work out of existence, we are reduced to creating
what David Graeber calls “bullshit jobs” on low pay. And many economies
are stagnating.</p>
<p>The equivalent of the new source of free wealth? It’s not exactly
wealth: it’s the “externalities” – the free stuff and wellbeing
generated by networked interaction. It is the rise of non-market
production, of unownable information, of peer networks and unmanaged
enterprises. The internet, French economist Yann Moulier-Boutang says,
is “both the ship and the ocean” when it comes to the modern equivalent
of the discovery of the new world. In fact, it is the ship, the compass,
the ocean and the gold.</p>
<p>The modern day external shocks are clear: energy depletion, climate
change, ageing populations and migration. They are altering the dynamics
of capitalism and making it unworkable in the long term. They have not
yet had the same impact as the Black Death – but as we saw in New
Orleans in 2005, it does not take the bubonic plague to destroy social
order and functional infrastructure in a financially complex and
impoverished society.</p>
<p>Once you understand the transition in this way, the need is not for a
supercomputed Five Year Plan – but a project, the aim of which should
be to expand those technologies, business models and behaviours that
dissolve market forces, socialise knowledge, eradicate the need for work
and push the economy towards abundance. I call it Project Zero –
because its aims are a zero-carbon-energy system; the production of
machines, products and services with zero marginal costs; and the
reduction of necessary work time as close as possible to zero.</p>
<p>Most 20th-century leftists believed that they did not have the luxury
of a managed transition: it was an article of faith for them that
nothing of the coming system could exist within the old one – though the
working class always attempted to create an alternative life within and
“despite” capitalism. As a result, once the possibility of a
Soviet-style transition disappeared, the modern left became preoccupied
simply with opposing things: the privatisation of healthcare, anti-union
laws, fracking – the list goes on.</p>
<p>If I am right, the logical focus for supporters of postcapitalism is
to build alternatives within the system; to use governmental power in a
radical and disruptive way; and to direct all actions towards the
transition – not the defence of random elements of the old system. We
have to learn what’s urgent, and what’s important, and that sometimes
they do not coincide.</p>
<p>...</p>
<p>The power of imagination will become critical. In an information
society, no thought, debate or dream is wasted – whether conceived in a
tent camp, prison cell or the table football space of a startup company.</p>
<p>As with virtual manufacturing, in the transition to postcapitalism
the work done at the design stage can reduce mistakes in the
implementation stage. And the design of the postcapitalist world, as
with software, can be modular. Different people can work on it in
different places, at different speeds, with relative autonomy from each
other. If I could summon one thing into existence for free it would be a
global institution that modelled capitalism correctly: an open source
model of the whole economy; official, grey and black. Every experiment
run through it would enrich it; it would be open source and with as many
datapoints as the most complex climate models.</p>
<p>The main contradiction today is between the possibility of free,
abundant goods and information; and a system of monopolies, banks and
governments trying to keep things private, scarce and commercial.
Everything comes down to the struggle between the network and the
hierarchy: between old forms of society moulded around capitalism and
new forms of society that prefigure what comes next.</p>
<p>...</p>
<p>Is it utopian to believe we’re on the verge of an evolution beyond
capitalism? We live in a world in which gay men and women can marry, and
in which contraception has, within the space of 50 years, made the
average working-class woman freer than the craziest libertine of the
Bloomsbury era. Why do we, then, find it so hard to imagine economic
freedom?</p>
<blockquote>
<p>It is the elites, cut off in their dark-limo world, whose project looks forlorn</p>
</blockquote>
<p>It is the elites – cut off in their dark-limo world – whose project
looks as forlorn as that of the millennial sects of the 19th century.
The democracy of riot squads, corrupt politicians, magnate-controlled
newspapers and the surveillance state looks as phoney and fragile as
East Germany did 30 years ago.</p>
<p>All readings of human history have to allow for the possibility of a
negative outcome. It haunts us in the zombie movie, the disaster movie,
in the post-apocalytic wasteland of films such as <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/film/movie/131971/road" class=""></em><em>The Road</a> or <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/film/2013/aug/22/elysium-review" class=""></em><em>Elysium</a>.
But why should we not form a picture of the ideal life, built out of
abundant information, non-hierarchical work and the dissociation of work
from wages?</p>
<p>Millions of people are beginning to realise they have been sold a
dream at odds with what reality can deliver. Their response is anger –
and retreat towards national forms of capitalism that can only tear the
world apart. Watching these emerge, from the pro-Grexit left factions in
Syriza to the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/marine-le-pen" class="">Front National</a> and the isolationism of the American right has been like watching the nightmares we had during the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/business/lehmanbrothers" class="">Lehman Brothers</a> crisis come true.</p>
<p>We need more than just a bunch of utopian dreams and small-scale
horizontal projects. We need a project based on reason, evidence and
testable designs, that cuts with the grain of history and is sustainable
by the planet. And we need to get on with it.</p>
<em>Postcapitalism </em>is published by Allen Lane on 30 July. Paul
Mason will be asking whether capitalism has had its day at a sold-out
Guardian Live event on 22 July. Let us know your thoughts beforehand at <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/membership" class="">theguardian.com/membership</a>.</div><br>-- <br><div class="gmail_signature"><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><font size="1"><span style="font-family:monospace,monospace"><b><font color="#ff0000">Recent publications</font></b></span></font><br><br><font size="1"><span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)">1. </span>2014. From Coldwar Communism to the Global Justice Movement: Itinerary of a Long-Distance Internationalist. <a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism" target="_blank">http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism</a> _to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/ (Free).<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"> 2.</span> 2014. Interface Journal Special (Co-Editor), December 2014. 'Social Movement Internationalisms'. (Free).<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)">3.</span> 2014. with Laurence Cox, ‘Movement Internationalism/s’, Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. (Editorial), Vol. 6 (2), pp. 1–12.<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"> 4.</span> 2014. ‘The International Labour Movement in, Against and Beyond, the Globalized and Informatized Cage of Capitalism and Bureaucracy. (Interview). Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. Vol. 6 (2), pp. 35-58.<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"> 5.</span> 2014. 'The Networked Internationalism of Labour's Others', in Jai Sen (ed), Peter Waterman (co-ed), The Movement of Movements: Struggles for Other Worlds (Part I). (10 Euros).<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"> 6. </span>2015. Waterman, Peter. <a href="https://escarpmentpress.org/globallabour/article/download/2338/2433" target="_blank">‘Beyond Labourism, Development and Decent Work’.</a> Global Labour Journal, 2015, 6(2), pp. 246-50.</font><br><br></div><div><font size="1"><span style="font-family:monospace,monospace"><font color="#ff0000"><b>More publications, click [////]</b></font><br></span></font></div><div><table cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr></tr></tbody></table><font size="1">
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