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<a href="https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/articles/guest-writers" target="_blank">Monthly Guest Writers</a> <img alt=""> <span>Palestine and the British trade unions</span></span>
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<h1>
Palestine and the British trade unions </h1>
<div>
<dl><dd>
Stephen Bell </dd><br><dd>
Thursday, 01 January 2015 06:30 </dd></dl>
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<div style="display:inline-block;overflow:hidden;line-height:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:85px;min-height:21px"><span style="vertical-align:bottom;width:83px;min-height:22px"></span></div>
<span><span style="text-decoration:none;color:rgb(0,0,0);display:inline-block"><span><span style="background-image:url("")"> </span><span><span style="display:inline-block"><span>9</span></span></span></span></span></span>
<span><span style="text-decoration:none;color:rgb(0,0,0);display:inline-block"><span><span style="background-image:url("")"> </span><span><span style="display:inline-block"><span>19</span></span></span></span></span></span>
<span><div style="display:inline-block;overflow:hidden;line-height:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:75px;min-height:21px"> </div></span>
<span><span style="text-decoration:none;color:rgb(0,0,0);display:inline-block"><span><span style="background-image:url("")"> </span><span><span style="display:inline-block"><span>9</span></span></span></span></span></span>
<span><span style="text-decoration:none;color:rgb(0,0,0);display:inline-block"><span><span style="background-image:url("")"> </span><span><span style="display:inline-block"><span>37</span></span></span></span></span></span>
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<div style="width:250px"><img title="Stephen Bell" alt="Stephen Bell" height="292" width="250"><p>Stephen Bell</p></div>MEMO's
important book "The Battle for Public Opinion in Europe" analysed
changing perspectives in Europe towards the Palestinian struggle. A look
at the trade unions in Britain reveals that a similar process is
underway. Given that these bodies are the largest social movement in the
country, with approximately 7 million members, the change is not
unimportant.
<p>On closer examination, the policy shift is particularly notable.
Strong support for Zionism and the Israeli state characterised the union
position for almost the whole of the 20th Century. Equally, from its
earliest days, the Labour Party, funded by the trade unions, was the
strongest supporter of the Zionist project amongst British political
parties.</p>
<p>In his authoritative study, "The British left and Zionism", Paul
Kelemen wrote: "In August 1917, two and a half months before the Balfour
Declaration committed Britain to support the setting up of a 'Jewish
home' in Palestine, the Labour Party took the first step to adopting a
new near identical policy in its War Aims Memorandum. The document
drafted by a subcommittee of the party's executive included a proposal
that Palestine should be set free from Turkish rule in order that this
country may form a Free State under international guarantee, to which
such of the Jewish people as desire to do so may return and work at
their own salvation." (p12)</p>
<p>This policy was endorsed by the Labour Party conference in December
1917, shortly after the Balfour Declaration. It may be thought that this
was simply the work of politicians. Not so, for the trade unions
registered 90 per cent of the vote at the conference. In addition, there
were prominent trade union leaders at the heart of Labour's leadership,
such as Arthur Henderson and Ernest Bevin, who had a direct part in
framing policy on Palestine.</p>
<p>The "socialist" case for this support was not so surprising. Most of
the parties of the Second International had come to accept the
supposedly progressive argument for colonialism. The imperial bargain
for this acceptance was the tolerance by the ruling class of trade union
and socialist party agitation on domestic matters; colonial
super-profits, meanwhile, allowed for concessions at home to be funded.</p>
<p>The Zionist project was seen as a logical extension of the civilising
mission of European society. This could also be presented conveniently
in labour movement circles as a particularly progressive example. The
pioneers amongst the Jewish settlers in Palestine were drawn from the
Israeli Labour Party, a sister of its namesake in Britain. The
organisation of the labour market in the settlements was under the
control of the Histadrut, the trade union centre of the Zionists.</p>
<p>Even Zionism's discriminatory practices were presented in a
progressive light. The Jewish National Fund, for example, permitted land
leases for "the cultivation of the holding only with Jewish labour."
The Histadrut made sure that its role was to ensure that this policy was
enforced. This was presented as preventing labour from being undercut,
and raising living standards for all workers.</p>
<p>The labour movement in Britain believed in the advanced nature of
Zionism over Arab or Palestinian nationalism. The Palestinian rebellion
of 1936 was not supported. The assumption was that there could not be a
conflict of interest between Arab and Jewish workers. Instead, it was
argued by Harold Laski that the source of the problem came from "the
effendi and such trouble makers as the Grand Mufti." (Kelemen p31)</p>
<p>A small minority, including Stafford Cripps, Michael Foot and the
British Communist Party, opposed this view. The dominant position was
expressed most strongly in 1939 when Labour's Front Bench opposed the
Cabinet White Paper, which sought a Palestinian state in ten years and a
limitation on Jewish immigration for five years. At the 1939 Labour
conference this opposition was endorsed with only two votes registered
against.</p>
<p>The position at the end of the Second World War was hardly more
favourable. The statement adopted at the 1944 Labour Party conference
read: "...there is surely neither hope nor meaning in a 'Jewish National
Home', unless we are prepared to let Jews, if they wish, enter this
tiny land in such numbers as to become a majority. There was a strong
case for this before the War. There is an irrefutable case now, after
the unspeakable atrocities of the cold and calculated German Nazi plan
to kill all Jews in Europe... let the Arabs be encouraged to move out as
the Jews move in."</p>
<p>This can only have been carried at the conference because the trade unions voted for it.</p>
<p>It is obvious that the experience of the British labour movement was
also reinforced by the impact of the Holocaust. Sections of the armed
forces were involved directly in liberating the Nazi concentration
camps, along with Russia's Red Army from the East. It is impossible to
imagine the effect that this had upon those who experienced it, but it
meant that the case for a sovereign Jewish state became absolutely
conclusive in the eyes of many progressives.</p>
<p>The late Tony Benn had an outstanding record in supporting the
movements for colonial freedom from the 1950s. Yet as a former member of
the wartime Royal Air Force, he could not let go of his support for the
Israeli government until Israel's invasion of Lebanon in 1982, and the
resultant expulsion of the Palestine Liberation Organisation and the
massacres at Sabra and Shatila.</p>
<p>Critics of Israel on the left were effectively silenced when the
government of the USSR became the first government in the world to
recognise the nascent State of Israel in 1948. Stalin may well have
regarded the foundation of Israel as a blow to British imperialism but,
in truth, its conflict with Britain was purely momentary. The damage to
the Palestinian people because of the Soviet government's position is of
another order. A large section of the international anti-colonial
movement was disorientated by Moscow's move.</p>
<p>In these circumstances, there was no effective support for the
Palestinians from the international, or British, labour movement. It
took Stalin's death, the Egyptian victory at Suez in 1956 and the
subsequent turning to the USSR by Nasser before the left within the
labour movement became more supportive of the Palestinians.</p>
<p>However, this support would definitely have been a minority inside
the labour movement in Britain, Europe and North America. When I first
started arguing the case for the Palestinians in 1973, as an activist in
the Transport and General Workers' Union, the position was seen by
other union members as very threatening. The image of the Palestinians
being presented then was based on aircraft hijackings and the Black
September operation at the Munich Olympics in 1972.</p>
<p>Obviously, the Israeli government position was more or less supported
by the labour movement in the 1967 and 1973 wars. The TUC Congress
carried motions of support for Israel in 1967 and 1976.</p>
<p>A first shift may well have begun when the UN General Assembly
debated the issue after 22 years of treating the Palestinians as purely a
refugee problem. Yasser Arafat's 1974 address to the UN and the
subsequent majority vote for Palestinian self-determination and national
independence was an important change in international perception of the
issue.</p>
<p>As has often been the way, the Conservative Party proved to be more
adept at recognising the significance of this development for British
commercial interests in the Middle East. Reginald Maudling, then Shadow
Foreign Secretary for the Tories, told parliament in 1975 that the PLO
"is the voice of Palestinians."</p>
<p>Margaret Thatcher's government voted for the European Community
declaration in 1979 which supported the Palestinian "right to
self-determination". Labour leader James Callaghan opposed this in
parliament, and suggested that the Palestinians should be placed under
Jordanian jurisdiction.</p>
<p>Between 1974 and 1981 there were only 3 resolutions placed before the
Labour Party conference on the Middle East. Two these were from Poale
Zion, a Marxist-Zionist movement. Out of the 268 Labour MPs in the 1979
intake, 140 were members of Labour Friends of Israel. George Galloway
and Ken Livingstone were exceptions amongst Labour politicians at the
time in their readiness to support the Palestinians.</p>
<p>Without doubt, Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon had a big impact. At
the TUC Congress that year a motion from the Fire Brigades' Union (FBU)
deplored the invasion and supported Palestinian self-determination.
Despite General Council opposition this was carried.</p>
<p>Two weeks later 46 emergency motions critical of Israel were placed
before the Labour Party conference. A National Executive Council
statement was carried, which was broadly critical of the Likud
government and supportive of the Israeli Labour Party call for a
judicial enquiry into the Sabra and Shatila massacres. Further, the
conference also carried two radical resolutions: from Dundee East came
the call for an independent, sovereign Palestinian state, without making
this conditional upon Israel's "security". The other, from Norwood,
demanded recognition of the PLO and supported the establishment of a
democratic secular state in Palestine.</p>
<p>A number of union conferences also passed pro-Palestinian
resolutions: the National Association of Local Government Officers
(NALGO), the FBU, the Amalgamated Union of Engineering
Workers-Technical, Administrative and Supervisory Section (AUEW/TASS),
the Society of Graphical and Allied Trades (SOGAT 82), the National
Union of Public Employees (NUPE) and the National Union of Teachers
(NUT). This was a growing influence, but still a minority. My own
experience was probably more typical. At the 1990 Union of Communication
Workers conference (UCW), a motion was debated in support of the
Palestinians. The left delegates supported the motion strongly in
debate, but received only about 10 per cent of the vote.</p>
<p>In many ways, the issue was subject to a left/right divide inside the
labour movement. Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown were (and
remain) all enthusiastic supporters of Israel and carried much support
with them.</p>
<p>The Oslo process generally slowed down the debate inside the British
labour movement. The assumption was that this process gave some parity
to the Palestinians; that it brought them into a political process and
away from violence; and that it had an independent state guaranteed at
the end.</p>
<p>The grinding inertia of the process did not really create much
disillusion within the labour movement until the eruption of the Second
Intifada in 2000. The media coverage renewed interest, with some unions
increasing their involvement in the Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC).</p>
<p>A major fillip occurred through the growth of the anti-war movement
against the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Palestinian slogans were raised and
speakers referred constantly to the Palestinians at mass public
demonstrations. Of great significance was that the trade unions broke
with the Blair government on this issue. The TUC General Council voted
on two occasions against the Iraq war.</p>
<p>A new generation of union leaders had reached positions of authority
after the rise of Bennism. These leaders were also influenced by the
growing diversity of multi-cultural Britain, with its impact on
workplace union organisation. An anti-imperialist sentiment achieved a
majority position inside much of the trade union movement.</p>
<p>The shift from opposition to the Iraq war to support for Palestine
became hardened with each failure of Israel's aggressive policy: in
Lebanon in 2006, Operation Cast Lead against Gaza in 2008/9, and the
attack upon the Freedom Flotilla's Mavi Marmara in 2010.</p>
<p>The TUC Congress was marked by a series of pro-Palestinian motions:
in 2009 from the FBU, with a General Council statement, and in 2010 a
composite motion from the Transport Salaried Staffs' Association
(TSSA)/the GMB/Unison/the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS)/the
FBU. In 2011 there was another composite from Unite and the PCS and in
2012 the CWU submitted a motion. An emergency motion from the General
Council condemned Israel's summer 2014 war in Gaza and the events in the
occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.</p>
<p>The size of this shift was conveyed by Martin Bright in an article in
the Jewish Chronicle on 14 September, 2012: "Supporters of Israel are
losing the battle of ideas in the UK. This has probably been true for
some time if only they would admit it. But after this year's TUC
conference there is no longer any question about it, on the left
least... When David Taub was appointed as Israel's ambassador to the UK
he made it his personal mission to reach out to the trade union
movement. But they have no intention of listening... this motion was
passed unanimously. The consensus in large swathes of the left is quite
simply this: Israel is the oppressor and the Palestinians, the
oppressed..."</p>
<p>Earlier, in 2010, the Reut Institute published a document "Building a
Political Firewall against the Assault on Israel's legitimacy". The
document represented a very serious attempt to analyse the growing
strength of the Palestinian solidarity movement in all its key features.
Its conclusions were chilling for supporters of the Israeli government:
"The TUC comprises 58 affiliated unions representing nearly seven
million people. With a constituency of this size, and given the relative
political prominence of trade unions within British society, a trade
union brace of PSC-led campaigns can substantially impact the British
mainstream." (p39)</p>
<p>The authors of the document could not avoid a conclusion which looked
decidedly like sour grapes. "The PSC's work in the trade union arena is
a particularly potent example of the ability of a relatively marginal
advocacy organisation to make a substantial impact." (p36)</p>
<p>The shift in the union and labour movement on Palestine is extremely
clear when the whole history of the relationship is examined. Moreover,
this becomes even clearer when the relatively conservative character of
the unions is taken into account.</p>
<p>It is extremely difficult to win a policy change of this magnitude
inside the British trade unions. It takes a great deal of time and
effort to achieve. That same conservative character means that it is
going to be extremely difficult to overturn a change once won. A
powerful platform for Palestinian solidarity has been secured. It is up
to all trade unionists to ensure that this is henceforth delivered
effectively.</p>
<p><i>The author is head of policy at the Communications Workers Union (CWU) in the United Kingdom</i>
</p></div><div><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><ol><li><div style="text-align:left"><font size="1"><span style="background-color:rgb(246,178,107)"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><span></span><font color="#0000ff"><span style="color:rgb(0,0,0)"><font color="#ff0000">2014. </font>From Coldwar Communism to the Global Justice <span></span>Movement: Itinerary of a Long-Distance Internationalis<span></span>t.</span> <span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"></span></font></span></span></font><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"> <a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism_to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/" target="_blank">http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism _to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/</a><font color="#0000ff"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,0,0)"><span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font color="#ff0000"> <span style="color:rgb(0,0,255)">(Free). </span><br></font></span></span></span></font></span></font></font></span></div></li><li><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,0,0)"><span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font color="#ff0000"><span style="color:rgb(0,0,0)"><font color="#ff0000">2014. </font>Interface Journal Special (Co-Editor), December 2014.</span> <a href="http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/" target="_blank">'Social Movement Internationalisms'. (Free).</a></font></span></span></span></font></span></font></font></span><b><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,0,0)"><span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font color="#ff0000"><a href="http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/" target="_blank"><br></a></font></span></span></span></font></span></font></font></span></b></li><li><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,0,0)"><span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font color="#ff0000">2014. <font color="#000000">'The Networked Internationalism of Labour's Others', in Jai Sen (ed), Peter Waterman (co-ed), <a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/the_movements_of_movements/" target="_blank"></span><span style="color:rgb(0,0,255)">The Movement of Movements: </a></font></font></span></span></span></font></span></font></font></span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,0,0)"><span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font color="#ff0000"><font color="#000000"><a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/the_movements_of_movements/" target="_blank"></font></span><span style="color:rgb(0,0,255)">Struggles for Other Worlds <font color="#000000">(Part I).</a><span style="color:rgb(0,0,255)"> (10 Euros).</span></font></font></span></span></span></font></span></font></font></span><b><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"><font color="#0000ff"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,0,0)"><span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font color="#ff0000"><font color="#000000"><br></font></font></span></span></span></font></span></font></font></span></b></li><li><div style="text-align:left"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><span><span><font color="#ff0000">2012. </font>EBook:</span> <a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/recovering_internationalism/" target="_blank">Recovering
Internationalism</a>. <span style="color:rgb(0,0,255)"> </span></span><span style="color:rgb(0,0,255)">[A compilation of papers from the new millenium. Now free in two download formats]</span></font></span><b><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><span><span></span></span></font></span></b></div></li><li><div style="text-align:left"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><span><span><font color="#ff0000">2013. </font>EBook (co-editor), February 2013: World Social Forum: Critical Explorations <a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/" target="_blank">http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/</a></span></span><span><span></span></span><span></span></font></span></div></li><li><div style="text-align:left"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><span><font color="#ff0000">2012. </font>Interface
Journal<span> Special (co-editor), November 2012:</span></span><span> </span><span style="font-weight:normal"></span></font></span><b><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><span style="font-weight:normal"><a href="http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/" target="_blank">For the Global Emancipation of Labour </a></span><span lang="NL"></span></font></span></b></div></li><li><div style="text-align:left"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font color="#ff0000" size="1"><a href="http://interfacejournal.nuim.ie/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Interface-1-2-pp255-262-Waterman.pdf" target="_blank"></font></font><font color="#000000"><font color="#ff0000">2005-?</a></font></span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font size="1"><span lang="NL"><font color="#ff0000"> Ongoing. </font>Blog:</span><span lang="NL"> <a href="http://www.unionbook.org/profile/peterwaterman." target="_blank">http://www.unionbook.org/profile/peterwaterman.</a></span></font></span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"></span><span></span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font color="#ff0000" size="1"><a href="http://interfacejournal.nuim.ie/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Interface-1-2-pp255-262-Waterman.pdf" target="_blank"></font></span></font></span></font><font color="#000000"><font color="#ff0000">???. Needed: a Global Labour Charter Movement<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"><font color="#000000"> <span style="color:rgb(0,0,255)">(2005-Now!)</a></font></span></div></li><li><div style="text-align:left"><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)"><font color="#ff0000" size="1"><font color="#000000"><a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/under-against-beyond/" target="_blank"></font><font color="red"><b>MailScanner has detected a possible fraud attempt from "www.into-ebooks.com" claiming to be</b></font> <font color="#ff0000">2011. Under, Against, Beyond: Labour and Social Movements Confront a Globalised, Informatised Capitalism </a>(2011) <span style="color:rgb(0,0,255)">(c. 1,000 pages of Working Papers, free, from the 1980's-90's).</span></font></font></span></div></li></ol></div><div><table cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr></tr></tbody></table><font size="1">
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