<div dir="ltr"><br><div class="gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>From: <b class="gmail_sendername">Örsan Şenalp</b> <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:orsan1234@gmail.com">orsan1234@gmail.com</a>></span><br>Date: Thu, Oct 2, 2014 at 2:52 PM<br>Subject: [Networkedlabour] Fwd: [WSF-Discuss] Fwd: Hong Kong rises, China cannot beat people down (for now), democracy + class struggle, Tutu solidarity call<br>To: "<a href="mailto:networkedlabour@lists.contrast.org">networkedlabour@lists.contrast.org</a>" <<a href="mailto:networkedlabour@lists.contrast.org">networkedlabour@lists.contrast.org</a>><br><br><br>---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>
From: Jai Sen <<a href="mailto:jai.sen@cacim.net">jai.sen@cacim.net</a>><br>
Date: 2 October 2014 08:50<br>
Subject: [WSF-Discuss] Fwd: Hong Kong rises, China cannot beat people<br>
down (for now), democracy + class struggle, Tutu solidarity call<br>
To: Post WSFDiscuss <<a href="mailto:WorldSocialForum-Discuss@openspaceforum.net">WorldSocialForum-Discuss@openspaceforum.net</a>>,<br>
Post Social Movements Riseup <<a href="mailto:social-movements@lists.riseup.net">social-movements@lists.riseup.net</a>>, Post<br>
Activism News Network <<a href="mailto:activism-news-network@googlegroups.com">activism-news-network@googlegroups.com</a>>, Post<br>
Seizing Building Commoning<br>
<<a href="mailto:Seizing_Building_Commoning@lists.riseup.net">Seizing_Building_Commoning@lists.riseup.net</a>><br>
Cc: Jai Sen <<a href="mailto:jai.sen@cacim.net">jai.sen@cacim.net</a>><br>
<br>
<br>
Thursday, October 2, 2014<br>
<br>
Worlds in movement, worlds of movement…<br>
<br>
HONG KONG NOW - please circulate widely :<br>
<br>
A compilation and update – countesy Patrick (Bond), with thanks :<br>
<br>
Hong-Kong : Occupy Central—What’s Next for the Democracy Movement ? A<br>
Brief Observation on the Current Movement<br>
<br>
AU Loong-Yu<br>
<br>
Statement by Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions :<br>
<br>
HKCTU strongly condemns the police crackdown of people’s protest by<br>
Hong Kong government<br>
<br>
* Sign the HKCTU petition<br>
<br>
Students Unfurl
the “Umbrella Revolution” in Hong Kong<br>
<br>
Sean Starrs<br>
<br>
Tutu calls for support of Hong Kong protesters<br>
<br>
JS<br>
<br>
fwd<br>
<br>
Begin forwarded message:<br>
<br>
From: Patrick Bond <<a href="mailto:pbond@mail.ngo.za">pbond@mail.ngo.za</a>><br>
Subject: [Debate-List] (Fwd) Hong Kong rises, China cannot beat people<br>
down (for now), democracy + class struggle, Tutu solidarity call<br>
Date: October 2, 2014 at 8:31:55 AM GMT+5:30<br>
To: DEBATE <<a href="mailto:debate-list@fahamu.org">debate-list@fahamu.org</a>>,<br>
"<a href="mailto:safis-solidarity-platform@googlegroups.com">safis-solidarity-platform@googlegroups.com</a>"<br>
<<a href="mailto:safis-solidarity-platform@googlegroups.com">safis-solidarity-platform@googlegroups.com</a>>,<br>
<a href="mailto:progeconnetwork@googlegroups.com">progeconnetwork@googlegroups.com</a>, <a href="mailto:Campaign_DPE@googlegroups.com">Campaign_DPE@googlegroups.com</a><br>
Reply-To: <a href="mailto:pbond@mail.ngo.za">pbond@mail.ngo.za</a><br>
<br>
<br>
(China Labour Net editor Au Loong Yu, an occasional visitor to SA:<br>
"student leader Alex Chow already mentioned the issue of economic<br>
inequality. A few days ago twenty-five trade unions and civil society<br>
groups also issued a joint statement not only demanding genuine<br>
universal suffrage but also regulations on working hours and a<br>
universal pension. The occupation of the last two days has also given<br>
the general public the chance to discuss their opinions, and amongst<br>
these one frequently hears discussions of the extreme inequality.")<br>
<br>
Hong-Kong : Occupy Central—What’s Next for the Democracy Movement? A<br>
Brief Observation on the Current Movement<br>
AU Loong-Yu<br>
1 October 2014<br>
<br>
<br>
Monday 29th September 2014/Occupy Central Day 3 - Occupy central<br>
continues to grow by leaps and bounds.<br>
<br>
I. The Situation<br>
<br>
The general public has come out to support the students, and with<br>
their own bodies have resisted the tear gas to defeat the offensive of<br>
the regime of Leung Chun-ying, better known as C.Y. Leung, the Chief<br>
Executive of the Executive Council of Hong-Kong, sparking a new<br>
generation of people’s democracy activists. This movement has the<br>
following characteristics:<br>
<br>
1. The students and the public have shown that they have the ability<br>
to think for themselves, to take bottom-up direct action, without<br>
relying on the leaders. It is within a context where the movement<br>
displays deep distrust of not only the Pan-Democracy parties, but also<br>
of the Trio of three leading liberal academics and clergymen who<br>
suggested the occupation a year earlier. Even the Hong-Kong Federation<br>
of Students, which was for a while the vanguard of the movement, saw<br>
its proposal to withdraw on September 28 in view of escalation of<br>
crackdown was rejected by the masses.<br>
<br>
2. The students and young people, whose actions have led to the<br>
upsurge in the movement, are now the driving force of the movement,<br>
rather than the middle-aged and middle-class Pan-Democracy supporters<br>
whom the Trio relied on as their constituency for their occupation<br>
plan, a fact which reflects the deep distrust towards young people and<br>
working people toward the Trio.<br>
<br>
3. The Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions (HKCTU) has called for<br>
a workers’ strike and there are some responses; in addition to this<br>
there is strong sympathy for the movement among working people. And<br>
the occupation of main streets also makes possible a slowdown in<br>
workplaces, which in turn allows lots of discussion among colleagues.<br>
<br>
4. A desire for social equality has also become part of the movement.<br>
In his speech to the student boycott on September 22, student leader<br>
Alex Chow already mentioned the issue of economic inequality. A few<br>
days ago twenty-five trade unions and civil society groups also issued<br>
a joint statement not only demanding genuine universal suffrage but<br>
also regulations on working hours and a universal pension. The<br>
occupation of the last two days has also given the general public the<br>
chance to discuss their opinions, and amongst these one frequently<br>
hears discussions of the extreme inequality.<br>
<br>
Because of this strong movement from below the C.Y. Leung government<br>
has now been forced to stop its offensive, permitting space for the<br>
movement to grow even larger. The issue now is how to take advantage<br>
of the situation fully and to seek the biggest victory. It means that<br>
we have to overcome the movement’s weaknesses:<br>
<br>
1. The old democracy movement’s former leaders are no longer able to<br>
lead, however the new leaderships of the new democracy movement is<br>
still in formation. This is a danger. Although spontaneity has been a<br>
great factor in advancing the movement, now—with all the sabotage<br>
taking place and a crackdown quite possible sometime in the future by<br>
the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Leung government—the<br>
movement will soon require more organising and leaderships, and I use<br>
plural here deliberately.<br>
<br>
2. Although the students’ organization is comparatively better, the<br>
general public lacks the organization and networks to support each<br>
other. This is especially so for the strike call. Although there were<br>
some early responses to the strike call, a broad strike wave has yet<br>
to happen. The HKCTU is not yet strong enough to fully implement the<br>
strike call, let alone to organize the solidarity alliance now in<br>
preparation. Strengthening movement will require great effort and also<br>
new initiatives<br>
<br>
II. Aims and slogans<br>
<br>
1. The Leung Chun-ying regime must surrender Civic Plaza and Tamar<br>
Garden to the people and to withdraw all police from there, so that<br>
these two places can be a focal point for the movement. If the<br>
government does not promise this then the movement should certainly<br>
not withdraw from the streets, and, if they do promise, then the<br>
decision to withdraw or stay on will depend on the circumstances and<br>
the wishes of the people.<br>
<br>
2. The Leung Chun-ying regime and its officials must apologise.<br>
<br>
3. The Leung Chun-ying regime must step down.<br>
<br>
4. The National People’s Congress (NPC) resolution must be withdrawn;<br>
genuine universal suffrage and civic nominations must be implemented.<br>
<br>
5. Regulations on working hours, a universal pension and collective<br>
bargaining rights must be implemented.<br>
<br>
6. We must win regime change and the self-determination over political reform.<br>
<br>
3. The Way Forward<br>
<br>
1. Working people need more encouragement to strike. One way is to<br>
encourage each company or unit to organise and set up a small group<br>
for solidarity with the movement and to establish a strike committee.<br>
Only with this foundation, is it possible to discuss the issue<br>
seriously.<br>
<br>
Slogan: Students and workers unite together to achieve regime change.<br>
For self-determination over political reform!<br>
<br>
2. Adhere to nonviolence.<br>
<br>
3. Proposing self-determination over political reform is appropriate.<br>
However if anyone proposes Hong Kong independence then we (the<br>
democratic left/progressives) can respond that we cannot agree to<br>
this, although we respect the right to express this opinion. Also it<br>
is an issue worthy of discussion later, but not for now, or it may be<br>
harmful to the movement.<br>
<br>
Updated on the early morning of 30th September<br>
<br>
Last night when I went to the scene, I found that the movement had<br>
again expanded in scale and it was very moving. However this also<br>
increases the risk of direct intervention by the CCP—although this<br>
does not necessarily mean dispatching the Peoples Liberation Army<br>
(PLA) from the outset. Nevertheless it is necessary to avoid<br>
provocations and excesses. In the case of escalation of the crackdown<br>
from tear gas to shooting—or even worse the mobilization of the<br>
PLA—there is no way we can fight that, given the present level of<br>
organisation.Therefore we should retreat from the streets when this<br>
moment comes, but keep the strike going – no one can force working<br>
people to work normally even with guns. In addition to this we will<br>
need a deepening of the non-cooperative movement in all areas.<br>
<br>
Au Loong Yu, October 1, 2014<br>
<br>
***<br>
<br>
Calling for international support for democracy in Hong Kong!<br>
#DemocracyNowHK #OccupyCentral<br>
<br>
- By 李成康 Li Shing Hong, Samuel<br>
<br>
HONG KONG, a small dot on the map, is standing up against what is<br>
arguably the most capable and successful authoritarian regime of our<br>
time - the Chinese Communist Party, and its representatives in the<br>
Hong Kong government.<br>
<br>
For days, citizens and students with nothing more than their bodies<br>
have been battling the city's increasingly violent and brutal police<br>
force. Tear gas, anti-riot police and pepper spray have already been<br>
used on defenceless students and citizens, amongst other brutal<br>
violence. The Hong Kong Federation of Students have declared an<br>
indefinite class boycott for all universities in Hong Kong, and the<br>
Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions have declared an indefinite<br>
strike across the city.<br>
<br>
Read more<br>
<br>
Sign the HKCTU petition here<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
Please show that you are on the side of all that stands for human<br>
rights, freedom and democratic values, because in this battle between<br>
David and Goliath, this small but defiant city cannot win without<br>
international support. Hong Kong students, workers and people will<br>
strive on even if it means facing the wrath of the Chinese and Hong<br>
Kong governments. If we succeed, this will be the first truly<br>
democratic political regime in the whole of authoritarian China. We<br>
are making history with every step we walk.<br>
<br>
Please walk with us.<br>
<br>
Sign the HKCTU petition<br>
Take a picture of yourself and your comrades with a sign expressing<br>
solidarity with people in Hong Kong, and share it on social media<br>
using the #DemocracyNowHK and #OccupyCentral hash tags<br>
Share this story!<br>
<br>
Statement by Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions<br>
<br>
HKCTU strongly condemns the police crackdown of people’s protest by<br>
Hong Kong government<br>
<br>
Calling all workers in Hong Kong to participate in a general strike<br>
tomorrow Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions (HKCTU) strongly<br>
condemns the police for their violent attack on unarmed students and<br>
people.<br>
<br>
We strongly condemn the government for suppressing the freedom of<br>
speech and the freedom of assembly in Hong Kong. HKCTU calls for all<br>
workers in Hong Kong to strike tomorrow, in protest of the ruling of<br>
the National People’s Congress, as well as the brutal suppression of<br>
peaceful protest by the Hong Kong government.<br>
<br>
Workers and students must unite to force the totalitarian government<br>
to hand state power back to the people. Since the peaceful assembly<br>
outside the Government Headquarters on September 26th, thousands of<br>
people join and support the assembly.<br>
<br>
The ever growing number of people maintained peace and order. Yet, the<br>
police attacked the protesters heavily with pepper spray, baton and<br>
riot squads armed with shields and helmets, while people who only had<br>
towels and umbrellas to protect themselves.<br>
<br>
In face of several rounds of suppression, protesters only raised their<br>
hands up without fighting back. In the evening of September 28th, the<br>
police furthered their attack with several rounds of tear gas. Many<br>
peaceful protesters were injured.<br>
<br>
Workers must stand up against the unjust government and violent<br>
suppression. Workers must stand up, as the totalitarian government has<br>
to back down when all workers protest in solidarity. To defend<br>
democracy and justice, we cannot let the students fight the<br>
suppression alone. HKCTU hereby announces and calls all workers to<br>
participate in a general strike tomorrow.<br>
<br>
We demand:<br>
<br>
Police must release the arrested protesters immediately. They must<br>
guarantee the basic human rights of the arrested protestors during<br>
retention.<br>
The government and police must stop suppressing the peaceful assembly<br>
and apologize to the people.<br>
National People’s Congress must withdraw the ‘fake universal<br>
suffrage’. The Hong Kong government must restart the consultation of<br>
political reform. Workers have been demanding a fair election system<br>
to rectify the long standing problem of the business-leaning<br>
government. However, the ‘fake universal suffrage’ framework proposed<br>
by NPC is merely ‘old wine in a new bottle’.<br>
Chief Executive Leung Chun Ying must step down to bear the<br>
responsibility of violent suppression of protest.<br>
<br>
Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Union September 28th, 2014.<br>
<br>
ITUC report<br>
<br>
***<br>
<br>
The B u l l e t<br>
<br>
Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1042<br>
October 1, 2014<br>
<br>
<br>
Students Unfurl<br>
the “Umbrella Revolution” in Hong Kong<br>
<br>
Sean Starrs<br>
<br>
The largest student demonstrations and occupations in Hong Kong's<br>
history is currently unfurling – what is increasingly being called the<br>
“Umbrella Revolution” in reference to the sea of umbrellas being used<br>
as cover against both pepper-spraying riot police and the rays of the<br>
sun (the latter a common practice in Northeast Asia). What began as a<br>
Hong Kong-wide class boycott on Monday September 22 with around 10,000<br>
university and college students congregating on the Chinese University<br>
of Hong Kong campus for speeches and volunteer lectures on civil<br>
disobedience – moving across town to a sit-in on Wednesday the 24th in<br>
front of the main Hong Kong government buildings in the district of<br>
Admiralty – by the night of Monday September 29 morphed into an<br>
unprecedented occupation of four major districts in Hong Kong<br>
involving at least 80,000 people, predominantly students. Three major<br>
arteries running through Admiralty, Central, and parts of Wan Chai (a<br>
roughly 2.5km by 500 meter area) – constituting the core business and<br>
government skyscrapers in Hong Kong, and encompassing the headquarters<br>
of the 6,000-strong People's Liberation Army (PLA) of China Hong Kong<br>
garrison – in addition to the largest intersection in Causeway Bay<br>
(Hong Kong's busiest shopping neighborhood) and the main thoroughfare<br>
in Mong Kok and Jordan (Nathan Road) across the harbor in Kowloon (one<br>
of the most densely populated districts in the world), are in complete<br>
lock-down with multiple barricades and throngs of students blocking<br>
all traffic.<br>
<br>
Students, Umbrellas and Occupiers<br>
<br>
This stunning accomplishment that has shocked everyone (including the<br>
students themselves) follows violent police repression on Saturday and<br>
Sunday of an intensity not seen on the streets of Hong Kong since<br>
1967, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tried to spread the Great<br>
Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) to the then-British colony. The<br>
main organizer of the week-long boycott of classes, the Hong Kong<br>
Federation of Students (HKFS), had planned on ending the strike and<br>
sit-in in front of the government buildings on Friday evening, but<br>
late that night some 200 or so students stormed a police line and<br>
fence to occupy a square within the government complex. The police<br>
reacted violently with batons and pepper spray, making over 70<br>
arrests, including one of the most high profile student leaders, 17<br>
year-old Joshua Wong, co-founder of the mostly high school student<br>
group Scholarism. As news of the violent police repression swiftly<br>
spread, masses of students and other supporters poured into the whole<br>
area, eventually blocking major roads (on Monday afternoon there were<br>
still some abandoned BMWs and public buses in the middle of the road<br>
surrounded by throngs of students).<br>
<br>
On Saturday, the three co-founders of the group Occupy Central with<br>
Love and Peace announced the commencement of Occupy Central, moved<br>
forward from its initial start-date of Wednesday October 1 (a public<br>
holiday in China, including Hong Kong, commemorating the 65th<br>
anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic). Two professors<br>
and a clergyman initiated plans in January 2013 to occupy what is now<br>
a comparatively tiny section of Central, the downtown core of Hong<br>
Kong. Some students accused the co-founders of Occupy Central of<br>
opportunism and hijacking the student-initiated mass sit-in, but<br>
others welcomed the extra support. By Monday the three co-founders<br>
moved out of the main government building area, with at least one<br>
moving to the occupation in Kowloon across the harbor – hence the<br>
epicenter of Admiralty remains almost entirely student-driven.<br>
<br>
On Monday scores of businesses could not open due to being in the<br>
occupied zones, and over 200 public transportation lines were either<br>
cancelled or heavily diverted, the former including the iconic<br>
double-decker trams. According to the Hong Kong Monetary Authority<br>
(the territory's de facto central bank), “23 banks including HSBC and<br>
Standard Chartered had closed a total of 44 branches, offices and cash<br>
machines.” Both the Hong Kong dollar and the Hang Seng stock index<br>
fell on Monday morning. Hong Kong air and noise pollution plummeted<br>
from the absence of traffic, with eerie scenes of major thoroughfares<br>
several blocks from the epicenter being virtually empty on Monday<br>
afternoon (before being filled again with students and supporters by<br>
Monday evening). The City Hall was forced to shut down for the first<br>
time since Typhoon Wanda in 1962.<br>
<br>
Screw Us and We Multiply<br>
<br>
In the aftermath of Sunday's violent police repression of peaceful and<br>
unarmed students (many of them teenagers) – according to the police<br>
themselves firing tear gas 87 times in nine separate areas – support<br>
has been broadening and deepening, with thousands more on the streets<br>
from the after-work crowd on Monday and Tuesday. The Confederation of<br>
Trade Unions and the Professional Teachers Union both called on its<br>
members to strike in support of the students. At least 1,000 social<br>
workers, high school and university teachers joined the strike, as<br>
well as pupils from at least 31 schools. HKFS extended the student<br>
class boycott indefinitely. The Chairperson of Swire Beverages<br>
Employees General Union, distributor of Coca Cola in Hong Kong,<br>
announced to cheering students in Admiralty that more than 200 workers<br>
joined the strike, while 100 more reduced their hours. There were also<br>
reports of some taxi drivers striking. Even certain chief executives<br>
supported the strike, with for example CEO Spencer Wong of the McCann<br>
advertising firm informing employees: “It's up to you whether you come<br>
to work of [sic] not. The company will not punish anyone who supports<br>
something more important than work.” This is a sharp turnaround from<br>
July when the Big Four global accounting firms published a joint<br>
warning against Occupy Central of impending chaos if they had their<br>
way. A number of legislators, especially from the Civic and Democratic<br>
Parties, have also expressed support, with some even being arrested on<br>
Saturday and Sunday.<br>
<br>
But the vast majority of the initiative, leadership, and involvement<br>
remains with the students, many of them protesting for the first time.<br>
There is a constant stream of supplies pouring into the occupied<br>
zones, from water bottles to sodium chloride (first-aid against tear<br>
gas) and surgical masks to food and sleeping mats. Support and<br>
donations arrive from all walks of life and ages, from a pre-teen<br>
helping with cleanup to a 92 year-old lady chanting on the frontlines.<br>
There is no centralized chain of command, with the occupations now far<br>
beyond the control of either the leadership of the HKFS or Occupy<br>
Central with Peace and Love, with many spontaneous actions sprouting<br>
across the occupied zones (such as small groups bringing large objects<br>
from afar to construct more and increasingly elaborate barricades<br>
along the streets). Perhaps most significantly, even more students<br>
poured onto the streets after the leadership of HKFS and Occupy<br>
Central on Sunday night urged students to return home, as rumors<br>
swirled of the impending use of rubber bullets by riot police and<br>
increasing fears of a Tiananmen Square-like crack-down in which at<br>
least 2,600 students were massacred in 1989 (while many riot police<br>
brandished military-style rifles before being taken off the streets by<br>
Monday afternoon, thankfully none were used).<br>
<br>
The core demand is for universal suffrage to decide Hong Kong's Chief<br>
Executive Officer (what is essentially its mayor), rather than the<br>
changes proposed by Beijing on August 29th that would render it<br>
impossible for any anti-CCP candidate to run for office. From Monday<br>
morning, another demand being increasingly shouted is for the current<br>
Chief Executive C.Y. Leung to step down, and initiate a new reform<br>
proposal committee.<br>
<br>
What is clear is that the ramped up police repression on Sunday failed<br>
spectacularly, echoing a sign popular in Madison, Wisconsin in spring<br>
2011: “Screw us and we multiply.” There was widespread outrage over<br>
the violent police tactics on unarmed, overwhelmingly peaceful and<br>
non-aggressive students, many of them simply quietly sitting around.<br>
Yet, as mentioned above, the police fired tear gas 87 times in nine<br>
separate areas, according to their own estimate. Incidentally, the<br>
stockpile and use of tear gas is banned by the 1993 UN Chemical<br>
Weapons Convention, of which China is a signatory. Apart from using<br>
tear gas against South Korean farmers during the 2005 WTO protests,<br>
the streets of Hong Kong have not seen this chemical weapon since<br>
1967.<br>
<br>
The riot police were formally taken off the streets by noon Monday,<br>
officially because the “illegal protesters” have “mostly calmed down.”<br>
In reality, the riot police were the ones that calmed down once they<br>
realized they could not defeat the students. During the climax of<br>
repression on Sunday night, I was in one area that was tear gassed<br>
around 4-5 times (each barrage with multiple canisters) in only two<br>
hours. The police formed two lines and fired tear gas in order to<br>
advance toward the epicenter in Admiralty, after which most of the<br>
crowd would flee and then quickly regroup, surrounding the police on<br>
both sides with hands in the air to show non-violent intent.<br>
<br>
On another note, while unprecedented for Hong Kong, the violent police<br>
repression was still relatively tame compared to the demeanor,<br>
equipment, and tactics now often employed by the heavily militarized<br>
police in North America, from the 2010 Toronto G20 protests to<br>
Ferguson, Missouri last month. By Monday afternoon, there was only a<br>
heavy police presence around the government buildings, the PLA HQ, and<br>
the police HQ (all within a few blocks of each other). Vast areas had<br>
no police presence at all, of which many students took ample<br>
advantage, extending the barricades several hundred meters to the<br>
five-star Mandarin Oriental Hotel in the west, into the heart of the<br>
poshest shopping district of flagship luxury brands (a significant<br>
advancement of occupied territory from Sunday night).<br>
<br>
The expanding Umbrella Revolution is no doubt a momentous conjuncture<br>
for Hong Kong, and possibly for China itself. All local news outlets<br>
are of course doing live and ongoing coverage, but this has also<br>
received much international attention. The New York Times, Financial<br>
Times, Wall Street Journal, and others have their Asia headquarters in<br>
Hong Kong, and all have given this their front page. There also happen<br>
to be a number of veteran China reporters that have been deported from<br>
the Mainland in the past year or two (especially from Bloomberg and<br>
the New York Times), and most have relocated to Hong Kong – from where<br>
they are all too happy to write less than enthusiastically on the CCP<br>
and the heavy-handed and disproportionate repression of the Hong Kong<br>
police. A common chant heard on the streets is “the world is<br>
watching.”<br>
<br>
Nothing short of the future of Hong Kong is at stake. Officially, Deng<br>
Xiaoping's promise of “one country, two systems” is supposed to last<br>
until 2047 (half a century after the 1997 handover), but many in Hong<br>
Kong fear that Beijing is gradually moving toward “one country” much<br>
sooner. The CCP's attempt to change the security law in 2003 and<br>
standardize the education system to emphasize “love of China” in 2012<br>
were both defeated due to hundreds of thousands taking to the streets.<br>
The latter incident is the context in which Joshua Wong, then 14 years<br>
old, co-founded Scholarism to protest Beijing's attempted interference<br>
in Hong Kong's school curriculum.<br>
<br>
But this time is different. We are currently in the midst of by far<br>
Hong Kong's largest civil disobedience ever. Students have pledged to<br>
maintain the occupied zones, vastly larger than Occupy Wall Street or<br>
any of its global spawns ever were, until Beijing reneges on its<br>
August 29th proposal and grants Hong Kong universal suffrage. Students<br>
are so far incredibly successful, unimaginably more than anyone could<br>
have predicted even on Sunday morning. Perhaps most importantly,<br>
momentum is far greater on the side of the students, as we begin two<br>
Chinese public holidays (including in Hong Kong), tomorrow and<br>
Thursday. Whatever the eventual outcome, at the very minimum the<br>
Umbrella Revolution will have politicized a new generation of Hong<br>
Kongers. Of course, this doesn't mean everyone will be radicalized, as<br>
for example numerous veterans of 1989 Tiananmen Square after being<br>
exiled to the West became investment bankers or Silicon Valley<br>
capitalists. Nevertheless, others became critical scholars or<br>
full-time activists, perhaps most prominently Han Dongfang, the number<br>
one most wanted man by the CCP in the aftermath of June 4, 1989, who<br>
gave himself up and was tortured for 22 months in a Chinese prison,<br>
and subsequently exiled to Hong Kong where in 1994 he founded China<br>
Labour Bulletin, which is still going strong today.<br>
<br>
Students and Workers Stand up, Fight Back<br>
<br>
Moreover, by far the largest act of civil disobedience in Hong Kong<br>
history comes at a very awkward time for the Chinese Communist Party,<br>
which at least partly explains the unprecedented and swift but<br>
spectacularly failed attempt by the Hong Kong Police to violently<br>
repress the students and prevent their momentum from growing. With<br>
President Xi Jinping's “anti-corruption campaign” so far targeting<br>
only his rival factions, the CCP is currently in the midst of the one<br>
of the most serious tests to its unity in decades. More broadly<br>
vis-à-vis the Chinese people, the CCP is increasingly using<br>
nationalism and China's “glorious” past, including reviving<br>
Confucianism, once reviled by the CCP as a product of feudal and<br>
patriarchal authoritarianism, in order to replace “communist”<br>
ideology. Indeed, the CCP announced that class struggle was officially<br>
over in China, and therefore removed the right to strike from the<br>
constitution in 1982. Yet, since especially the Nanhai Honda strike in<br>
2010, there have been hundreds if not thousands of increasingly daring<br>
strikes across China, the largest of which was earlier this year when<br>
40,000 workers at a Dongguan shoe factory went on strike, less than<br>
100km north of Hong Kong. And certainly after 1989, it is clear that<br>
the tenets of freedom of assembly and speech do not jive well with<br>
this CCP hegemonic project, yet are very dear to the hearts of many<br>
Hong Kongers. At the time of the handover, Hong Kong's GDP accounted<br>
for almost a fifth of China's, yet today it is only 3 per cent. The<br>
central government in Beijing will likely do much in its now<br>
considerable imbalance of power to prevent any demonstration effect in<br>
Hong Kong that might spread to the Mainland. And there is certainly<br>
the basis for an Occupy Shenzhen and others across China, as many<br>
grievances range from high labour exploitation to severe air<br>
pollution, from food safety scandals to rural and urban land seizures,<br>
from widespread corruption to increasing violent crime and one of the<br>
highest inequality rates in the world.<br>
<br>
Hence, especially over the past ten years, burgeoning social unrest in<br>
China seems to be increasingly rattling the upper echelons of the CCP.<br>
Since 2009 China spends more on domestic security than external<br>
military defense. And the CCP has reacted to the Umbrella Revolution<br>
with record Internet censorship on the Mainland, banning many search<br>
words such as “Class boycott,” “Occupy Central,” “Hong Kong police,”<br>
and “Hong Kong tear gas,” while deleting relevant posts on Weibo,<br>
China's Twitter-like social network, including all posts with the<br>
hashtag #HongKong. Meanwhile, for the first time, China completely<br>
blocked Instagram on Sunday morning, as pictures from Hong Kong<br>
started to go viral around the Mainland. There is already contagion<br>
internationally, as hundreds of supporters in Taiwan (a country with<br>
its own misgivings concerning Beijing's increasing encroachment, as<br>
witnessed by its “Sunflower movement” earlier this year when students<br>
occupied the Taiwanese parliament) occupied the lobby of the Hong Kong<br>
Trade Office. Solidarity demonstrations are also planned across the<br>
world over the next couple days, from Paris to Sydney, from San<br>
Francisco to Vancouver and Toronto. China, of course, has a massive<br>
diaspora abroad, much of which is still deeply connected with the<br>
Mainland (as well as Hong Kong).<br>
<br>
But back in “Asia's world city,” Beijing is in a real damned if they<br>
do, damned if they don't situation. Granting universal suffrage to<br>
Hong Kong would be a significant setback for the authority of the CCP,<br>
with highly uncertain consequences both in Hong Kong and the Mainland<br>
concerning the CCP's paramount goal: the longevity of its power. But<br>
at least at the time of writing, tens of thousands of students and<br>
their supporters remain more entrenched in the three main occupied<br>
zones than on Sunday. Seventeen year-old Joshua Wong of Scholarism has<br>
said that most do not expect Beijing to back down, but that was last<br>
week. Similarly, many a week ago expected Occupy Central to fail in<br>
occupying only a tiny square in Central; even the co-founders did not<br>
dare to dream of maintaining a complete lock-down of vast swathes of<br>
Hong Kong spanning three of its most important neighborhoods.<br>
<br>
As of Tuesday night Hong Kong time, the possibility of what would be<br>
an historic retreat by the Chinese Communist Party with unknown<br>
consequences is at least slightly higher than it was only a few days<br>
ago. And very few seriously give any likelihood to a bloodbath on the<br>
scale of the Tiananmen Square massacre. There would simply be too big<br>
a risk that Hong Kong would be rendered utterly ungovernable if such a<br>
tragedy occurred. Beijing also signaled on Sunday that it would not<br>
intervene, and praised the Hong Kong police for handling the situation<br>
well. That was, however, before the massive student success and<br>
advancements on Monday that have continued into Tuesday. If the<br>
student-led occupations cannot be defeated soon, each day that goes by<br>
increases the risks for Beijing of contagion. In the immediate<br>
short-term, the students have this Wednesday and Thursday on their<br>
side, as both are public holidays in China, including Hong Kong. The<br>
annual fireworks celebrating the coming to power of the CCP on October<br>
1, 1949, usually scheduled for tomorrow has been cancelled by the Hong<br>
Kong government. An average 800,000 Mainlanders cross the border into<br>
Hong Kong every day, and this will see a sizable increase tomorrow and<br>
Thursday due to the national holidays.<br>
<br>
One problem, however, is that the vast majority of students have very<br>
little political experience, let alone an awareness of the<br>
incompatibility of capitalism and democracy, not to mention the<br>
environment. Some make the connection between increasing inequality in<br>
Hong Kong, with universal suffrage as a means to counter the power of<br>
tycoons, the majority of whom are pro-Beijing and of course favour the<br>
status quo. But I have argued in an opinion piece that will be<br>
published by Hong Kong's main English-language newspaper, the South<br>
China Morning Post, that too few discuss whether political democracy<br>
is possible without economic democracy. Regardless, this is certainly<br>
a giant first step in politicizing a new generation of Hong Kongers, a<br>
populace more known for shopping in gleaming malls rather than<br>
occupying vast swathes of the third most important financial center in<br>
the world. Also, from my own very limited one-month experience so far<br>
teaching at City University of Hong Kong, many students are<br>
extraordinarily receptive to criticism of capitalism at large, more so<br>
than my former students at York University in Toronto.<br>
<br>
The Umbrella Revolution and the Global Cycle of Protest<br>
<br>
As should be clear, the Umbrella Revolution is shaped by specific<br>
local conditions in Hong Kong. With that said, it must be placed in<br>
the broader context of occupations and popular uprisings the world<br>
over that have been inspired by the Arab Spring, especially the<br>
occupation of Tahrir Square in early 2011. The occupation of Tahrir<br>
Square inspired the occupation of the State Capitol building in<br>
Madison, Wisconsin and the indignados of Madrid, Spain – both of which<br>
inspired Occupy Wall Street in September 2011 and the subsequent<br>
blossoming of Occupies around the world, including the original Occupy<br>
Central, one of the longest-lasting camps, until September 2012. And<br>
as the Umbrella Revolution and other recent protests around the world<br>
reveal, the conditions continue to be ripe for politicizing the masses<br>
of especially young people for the first time (as well as occasionally<br>
breathing fresh air into the spirits of 1968 Paris and 1999 Seattle<br>
veterans, among others). The ranks of those receptive to radical<br>
system change around the world continues to swell as the twenty-first<br>
century progresses, even if some also drop out and/or need greater<br>
encouragement. In any case, in regard to the largest civil<br>
disobedience ever in Hong Kong, anyone's crystal ball as to how this<br>
will end is as uncertain as anyone else's. What is certain, however,<br>
is that the humble umbrella will forever have a new significance in<br>
Hong Kong: to protect not only from rain and shine, but also from the<br>
instruments of state repression. •<br>
<br>
Sean Starrs is Assistant Professor of International Relations at the<br>
City University of Hong Kong and received his Ph.D. in June 2014 at<br>
York University, Toronto. I thank Jordy Cummings for encouraging me to<br>
write this.<br>
<br>
&&&<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
***<br>
<br>
Tutu calls for support of Hong Kong protesters<br>
<br>
Tutu says he salutes the courage of the Hong Kong citizens who have<br>
taken part in mass demonstrations.<br>
<br>
<br>
Eyewitness News & Reuters | about 12 hours ago<br>
<br>
CAPE TOWN - Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu has called on all who<br>
believe in democracy to support the people of Hong Kong.<br>
<br>
There was little sign of momentum flagging on the fifth day of the<br>
mass campaign, whose aim has been to occupy sections of the city and<br>
express fury at a Chinese decision to limit voters’ choices in a 2017<br>
leadership election.<br>
<br>
In a statement, Tutu says he salutes the courage of the hundreds of<br>
thousands of Hong Kong citizens who have taken part in mass<br>
demonstrations in recent days.<br>
<br>
Many had feared police would use force to move crowds before<br>
Wednesday’s start to celebrations marking the anniversary of the<br>
Communist Party's foundation of the People’s Republic of China in<br>
1949. Those fears proved unfounded.<br>
<br>
The crowds have brought large sections of the Asian financial hub to a<br>
standstill, disrupting businesses from banks to jewellers. Overnight<br>
thunderstorms failed to dampen spirits and the protesters woke to blue<br>
skies on Wednesday.<br>
<br>
Riot police had used tear gas, pepper spray and baton charges at the<br>
weekend to try to quell the unrest but tensions have eased since then<br>
as both sides appeared prepared to wait it out, at least for now.<br>
<br>
Protests spread from four main areas to Tsim Sha Tsui, a shopping area<br>
popular with mainland Chinese visitors. It would usually do roaring<br>
trade during the annual National Day holiday.<br>
<br>
Underlining nervousness among some activists that provocation on<br>
National Day could spark violence, protest leaders urged crowds not to<br>
disturb the flag-raising ceremony on the Victoria Harbour waterfront<br>
on Wednesday morning.<br>
<br>
Proceedings went ahead peacefully, although scores of students who<br>
ringed the ceremony at Bauhinia Square overlooking Hong Kong harbour<br>
booed as the national anthem was played.<br>
<br>
A beaming Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, who was appointed<br>
by Beijing, shook hands with supporters waving the Chinese flag even<br>
as protesters who want him to stand down chanted: “We want real<br>
democracy”.<br>
<br>
“We hope that all sectors of the community will work with the<br>
government in a peaceful, lawful, rational and pragmatic manner ...<br>
and make a big step forward in our constitutional development,” Leung<br>
said in a speech.<br>
<br>
The Hong Kong and Chinese flags billowed in the wind at the completion<br>
of the ceremony but one of the main protest groups said they marked<br>
the occasion “with a heavy heart”.<br>
<br>
“We are not celebrating the 65th anniversary of China. With the<br>
present political turmoil in Hong Kong and the continued persecution<br>
of human rights activists in China, I think today is not a day for<br>
celebrations but rather a day of sadness,” said Oscar Lai, a spokesman<br>
for the student group Scholarism.<br>
<br>
SOLIDARITY<br>
<br>
Hundreds of demonstrators had gathered outside luxury stores and set<br>
up makeshift barricades from the early hours of Wednesday in<br>
anticipation of possible clashes. As in most parts of Hong Kong, the<br>
police presence was small.<br>
<br>
Protesters have set up supply stations with water bottles, fruit,<br>
crackers, disposable raincoats, towels, goggles, face masks and tents.<br>
<br>
M. Lau, a 56-year-old retiree, said he had taken to the streets of<br>
Hong Kong to protest in the 1980s and wanted to do so again in a show<br>
of solidarity with a movement that has been led by students as well as<br>
more established activists.<br>
<br>
The protests are the worst in Hong Kong since China resumed its rule<br>
of the former British colony in 1997. They also represent one of the<br>
biggest political challenges for Beijing since it violently crushed<br>
pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square in 1989.<br>
<br>
Cracking down too hard could shake confidence in market-driven Hong<br>
Kong, which has a separate legal system from the rest of China. Not<br>
reacting firmly enough, however, could embolden dissidents on the<br>
mainland.<br>
<br>
China rules Hong Kong under a “one country, two systems” formula that<br>
accords it some autonomy and freedoms not enjoyed in mainland China,<br>
with universal suffrage an eventual goal.<br>
<br>
However, protesters reacted angrily when Beijing decreed on 31 August<br>
that it would vet candidates wishing to run for Hong Kong’s<br>
leadership.<br>
<br>
Leung has said Beijing would not back down in the face of protests and<br>
that Hong Kong police would be able to maintain security without help<br>
from People’s Liberation Army (PLA) troops from the mainland.<br>
<br>
CENSORSHIP<br>
<br>
Communist Party leaders in Beijing worry that calls for democracy<br>
could spread to the mainland, and have been aggressively censoring<br>
news and social media comments about the Hong Kong demonstrations.<br>
<br>
Cybersecurity researchers in the United States said they had found a<br>
computer virus that spies on Apple Inc.’s iOS operating system for<br>
iPhones and iPads that they believe is targeting the protesters in<br>
Hong Kong.<br>
<br>
Researchers from Lacoon Mobile Security said the code used to control<br>
the server was written in Chinese by “really sophisticated guys”.<br>
<br>
Hong Kong shares fell to a three-month low on Tuesday, registering<br>
their biggest monthly fall since May 2012. Markets are closed on<br>
Wednesday and Thursday for the holidays.<br>
<br>
The city’s benchmark index has fallen 7.3 percent over the past month,<br>
and there are few indications that the protests are likely to end any<br>
time soon.<br>
<br>
Mainland Chinese visiting Hong Kong had differing views on the<br>
demonstrations, being staged under the “Occupy” banner.<br>
<br>
A woman surnamed Lin, from the southern Chinese city of Shenzhen,<br>
however said the protesters’ demands for a democratic election were<br>
“disrespectful to the mainland”.<br>
<br>
***<br>
<br>
Hong Kong’s Protesters Say Peaceful Resistance Is Key<br>
<br>
By Lucy Westcott<br>
Filed: 9/29/14 at 10:24 PM | Updated: 9/29/14 at 10:59 PM<br>
<br>
Filed Under: World, Hong Kong, Hong Kong Protests, Occupy Central,<br>
Occupy Central with Peace and Love<br>
<br>
Hong Kong’s pro-democracy protests have seen tens of thousands of<br>
demonstrators take to the streets to demand universal suffrage from<br>
the Chinese government.<br>
<br>
What started as a student-led campaign for democracy last week evolved<br>
into a standoff with police, who lobbed tear gas at the growing crowds<br>
and made arrests Sunday and Monday. But one group taking part in the<br>
movement says protesters are focused on maintaining a “peaceful<br>
resistance.”<br>
<br>
“We are seriously upholding the principle of nonviolence,” Chan<br>
Kin-man, co-founder of democracy group Occupy Central with Love and<br>
Peace (OCLP) and a professor of sociology at the Chinese University of<br>
Hong Kong tells Newsweek.<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
“We are fighting a non-democratic regime, we don’t have as many<br>
resources as them, we don’t have weapons,” said Chan. “The only thing<br>
we rely on is our spirit. We spend a lot of time explaining the<br>
importance of having a movement that can express our love to the<br>
community,” he said.<br>
<br>
<br>
OCLP started in March 2013 as a way to put pressure on the governments<br>
of Beijing and Hong Kong to allow fair and open elections in Hong<br>
Kong. Chan said the group is inspired by other peaceful movements that<br>
have fought “against systems, not individuals,” he said, speaking from<br>
a square next to the central government office in Hong Kong on Monday,<br>
where protests were continuing.<br>
<br>
The protests partly have their roots in an unofficial referendum<br>
earlier this summer which called on Beijing to allow for free<br>
elections in which Hong Kong residents could nominate their own<br>
candidates for local government positions. Beijing has said voters can<br>
choose from a list of pre-determined candidates.<br>
<br>
Chan compared the 2017 elections to an election in authoritarian<br>
regimes such as North Korea or Iran. “All the candidates have to be<br>
screened by Beijing before they’re put forward,” Chan said of the<br>
movement's impetus. “As an international city we don’t think this is<br>
acceptable,” he said. “We want a genuine universal suffrage by the end<br>
of 2017.”<br>
<br>
“We learned from examples like Gandhi in 1940s and Martin Luther King<br>
in the 1960s,” said Chan. “[We were] also inspired by Nelson Mandela<br>
in fighting for democracy.”<br>
<br>
<br>
Pro-Democracy Protesters Face Police in Hong Kong<br>
Pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong, many of them students, faced<br>
tear gas and arrests as they took to the streets in massive numbers to<br>
call on China to allow free elections for territory’s next leader<br>
VIEW GALLERY<br>
<br>
The movement has been dubbed the “umbrella revolution” by some, with<br>
protesters using umbrellas to protect themselves from tear gas and the<br>
sun.<br>
<br>
The protests saw Hong Kong police firing tear gas into crowds for the<br>
first time in nearly a decade, since protests erupted outside the 2005<br>
World Trade Organization talks, The Telegraph reports. The action has<br>
brought “shame” to the city, said Anson Chan, former chief secretary<br>
of Hong Kong said in a statement.<br>
<br>
“What we need now is leadership and accountability, not violence and<br>
repression,” the statement read.<br>
<br>
Photos and videos with the hashtag OccupyCentral have been widely<br>
shared over social media, despite the Chinese government’s decision to<br>
block Instagram on Sunday. Some praised protesters for organizing<br>
supplies, handing out water and tidying up after themselves.<br>
<br>
<br>
Chan said this were examples of the movement’s strategy of nonviolence.<br>
<br>
Protests are expected to continue through October 1, which is China’s<br>
National Day, according to local media.<br>
<br>
"We hope that Hong Kong people can hang on and occupy the several<br>
spots that we are now having our demonstrations [until] at least<br>
October 1…to show our dignity and our determination to fight for<br>
democracy," Chan told local media on Monday.<br>
<br>
***<br>
<br>
Hong Kong leader believes protests could last weeks<br>
<br>
Students spearheading the protest movement ratcheted up pressure on<br>
Leung Chun-ying.<br>
<br>
<br>
Pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong. Picture: Bridgette Hall.<br>
Reuters | about 9 hours ago<br>
<br>
HONG KONG - Hong Kong authorities will not immediately move to clear<br>
tens of thousands of pro-democracy protesters occupying large areas of<br>
the city, and will let them stay for weeks if need be, a source with<br>
ties to leader Leung Chun-ying said on Wednesday.<br>
<br>
In contrast, students spearheading the protest movement ratcheted up<br>
pressure on Leung, saying they would occupy more government buildings<br>
unless the Beijing-backed chief executive stepped down by Thursday<br>
night.<br>
<br>
Hong Kong protesters are angry about China's decision to limit voters'<br>
choices in a 2017 leadership election, and, in a major challenge to<br>
Beijing's authority in Hong Kong and beyond, have brought much of the<br>
financial hub to a standstill.<br>
<br>
As the mass action approached its sixth day on Wednesday evening, the<br>
number of people on the streets remained high.<br>
<br>
Fears among demonstrators that police might try to remove them<br>
forcibly ahead of the National Day holiday marking the establishment<br>
of the People's Republic of China in 1949 proved unfounded, and the<br>
atmosphere was calm but defiant.<br>
<br>
Hong Kong student leader Lester Shum issued an ultimatum to Leung:<br>
step down or else face wider protests.<br>
<br>
"We will escalate the action if CY Leung doesn't resign by tonight or<br>
tomorrow night. We will occupy more government facilities and<br>
offices," he told protesters.<br>
<br>
"I believe the government is trying to buy more time. They want to use<br>
tactics such as sending some people to create chaos so that they would<br>
have a good reason to disperse the crowd."<br>
<br>
Riot police had used tear gas, pepper spray and baton charges at the<br>
weekend to try to quell the unrest, but tensions have eased since then<br>
as both sides appeared ready to wait it out, at least for now.<br>
<br>
Protesters have dug in, setting up supply stations with water bottles,<br>
fruit, disposable raincoats, towels, goggles, face masks and tents.<br>
<br>
Leung has said Beijing would not back down and that Hong Kong police<br>
would be able to maintain security without help from People's<br>
Liberation Army troops from the mainland.<br>
<br>
According to a government source with ties to Leung, the chief<br>
executive appeared ready to allow the anger to subside, and would only<br>
intervene if there was looting or violence.<br>
<br>
"Unless there's some chaotic situation, we won't send in riot police<br>
... We hope this doesn't happen," the source said. "We have to deal<br>
with it peacefully, even if it lasts weeks or months."<br>
<br>
Leung could not be immediately reached for comment.<br>
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</div><br><br clear="all"><div><br></div>-- <br><div dir="ltr"><div>Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: <a href="http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan" target="_blank">http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan</a> </div><div><br></div>P2P Foundation: <a href="http://p2pfoundation.net" target="_blank">http://p2pfoundation.net</a> - <a href="http://blog.p2pfoundation.net" target="_blank">http://blog.p2pfoundation.net</a> <br><br><a href="http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation" target="_blank"></a>Updates: <a href="http://twitter.com/mbauwens" target="_blank">http://twitter.com/mbauwens</a>; <a href="http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens" target="_blank">http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens</a><br><br>#82 on the (En)Rich list: <a href="http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/" target="_blank">http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/</a> <br></div>
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