<div dir="ltr"><br><div class="gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>From: <b class="gmail_sendername">peter waterman</b> <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:peterwaterman1936@gmail.com">peterwaterman1936@gmail.com</a>></span><br>Date: Mon, Sep 29, 2014 at 3:17 PM<br>Subject: [Networkedlabour] The Crucial Role of Waterfront (Logistics) Workers in the (International) Boycott Israel Campaign<br>To: "<a href="mailto:CRITICAL-LABOUR-STUDIES@jiscmail.ac.uk">CRITICAL-LABOUR-STUDIES@jiscmail.ac.uk</a>" <<a href="mailto:CRITICAL-LABOUR-STUDIES@jiscmail.ac.uk">CRITICAL-LABOUR-STUDIES@jiscmail.ac.uk</a>>, Debate is a listserve that attempts to promote information and analyses of interest to the independent left in South and Southern Africa <<a href="mailto:debate-list@fahamu.org">debate-list@fahamu.org</a>>, WSFDiscuss List <<a href="mailto:WorldSocialForum-Discuss@openspaceforum.net">WorldSocialForum-Discuss@openspaceforum.net</a>>, <a href="mailto:networkedlabour@lists.contrast.org">networkedlabour@lists.contrast.org</a><br><br><br><div dir="ltr"><div style="font-size:small"><br clear="all"></div><br><p><b>Peter sez:</b></p><p><b>An impressive account of
the crucial role one part of US labour is playing in the Solidarity with
Palestine movement, which has implications for the role international
labour (particularly dock and port labour) <i>could</i> play. This has to do with the dependence of a globalised and informatised capitalism on the <a href="http://https://www.itfglobal.org/transport-international/ti35logistics.cfm" target="_blank">logisitics industry</a>.<br> </b></p><p><b>This has to do with the equally crucial role played by the Histadrut-founded Zim shipping line in support of the Zionist state.</b></p><p><b>Given
the error of Salehi in spelling out the acronym 'Cosatu' (which is
actually a 'Congress'), I thought he had got it wrong about the role of
the state-identified (both pro-US and pro-Israel) Jewish Labour
Committee of the USA in the creation of Trade Unions Linking Israel and
Palestine. The latter has been energetically promoted internationally by
Eric Lee, creator of both LabourStart and UnionBook (though this tulip
last flowered late-2013). I then checked up on the individual link
between the JLP and TULIP, which turns out to be <a href="http://http://www.thejewishweek.com/features/new-york-minute/viewing-wisconsins-battle-labor-perspective" target="_blank">Stuart Appelbaum</a>, though his leadership of the JLP is left (diplomatically?) unmentioned on the <a href="http://http://www.tuliponline.org/?p=95" target="_blank"></span>TULIP home page <span style="color:rgb(0,0,0)">(though it can be found on a link on that site).</a><br> </b></p><p><b>Now read on...</b></p><p><br></p><p><br></p><p><b><a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/09/the-foes-of-israel/" target="_blank">https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/09/the-foes-of-israel/</a><br> <br> Jacobin Magazine 9.24.14<br> <font size="4"><br> Workers Against Israel</font><br> <br> Nothing is more crucial to the success of BDS than the movement’s relationship with organized labor.<br> <br> by Kumars Salehi</b></p><p><span>O</span>ver
the past year, the boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) campaign
has finally gained some widespread political attention in the United
States: from the <a href="http://www.theasa.net/from_the_editors/item/asa_members_vote_to_endorse_academic_boycott/" target="_blank">American Studies Association</a>’s vote to endorse the academic boycott of Israel, to the flurry of <a href="http://www.bdsmovement.net/2014/fifth-university-of-california-campus-passes-divestment-motion-12132" target="_blank">student votes for divestment</a> at the University of California and other US campuses, to the <a href="http://www.nydailynews.com/entertainment/roger-waters-slams-scarlett-johansson-sodastream-ad-article-1.1601378" target="_blank">unprecedented</a> <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/01/24/scarlett-johansson-sodastream-statement_n_4661945.html" target="_blank">criticism</a>
that met Scarlett Johansson when she quit her role as global ambassador
for Oxfam so she could continue as global ambassador for SodaStream.</p><p>Last
month’s protests at West Coast ports point not only to the momentum
with which BDS has moved forward – more quickly than most activists
could have predicted – but also to the possibility of direct action
posing an ever graver threat to business as usual for Israel,
particularly when organized labor is on board.</p><p>Until now, no one had ever kept an Israeli cargo ship from unloading for two consecutive days; we blocked the <i>Zim Piraeus</i> for four.</p><p>From <span><span>Saturday, August 16 to Tuesday, August 19</span></span>,
activists at the Port of Oakland protested Israeli human rights abuses
by picketing the berths where the ship intended to offload its cargo.</p><p>Zim
Integrated Shipping Services isn’t just an Israeli shipping company.
It’s the largest Israeli shipping company — the tenth largest in the
world — and it’s <a href="http://www.haaretz.com/business/.premium-1.601829" target="_blank">intimately tied</a>
to the government, which owns a special stake in Zim (known as the
“golden share”) and requires that it keep at least eleven ships at all
times, to be used by the military in the case of national security
emergencies.</p><p>Founded in <a href="tel:1945" value="+661945" target="_blank">1945</a> by the <a href="http://www.bdsmovement.net/files/2011/02/IJAN-LFP-Histadrut-briefing-illustrated.pdf" target="_blank">Histadrut</a> (the main Israeli trade union body) and the Jewish Agency, Zim functioned during the <a href="http://mondoweiss.net/2013/05/continuous-displacement-palestinian" target="_blank">Nakba</a> as the <a href="http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/lines/zim.shtml" target="_blank">sole</a>
maritime connection for Zionist colonists and, subsequently, the
nascent state of Israel. The Israeli government’s ownership of Zim has
given the company monopoly power from the beginning: US loans going
towards transportation, for example, would be earmarked for Zim,
prompting one member of the Knesset in <a href="tel:1950" value="+661950" target="_blank">1950</a> to <a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=vBWFd4vYxDMC&pg=PA101&dq=zim+recanati+knesset&hl=de&sa=X&ei=420bVMWgGMu6ogTRsIAw&ved=0CB8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=zim%20recanati%20knesset&f=false" target="_blank">remark</a>
that he “approve[s] the loan legislation, on condition that there is
one law for all, and that all companies are treated equally with
[government owned] Zim Shipping…. Zim has privileges which private
companies don’t.”</p><p>Zim was privatized in 2004 when Israel Corp.,
owned by the Ofer Brothers Group, bought the government’s stake in the
company for <a href="http://www.globes.co.il/en/article-761023" target="_blank">$115 million</a>.
But the government still retains its “golden share,” which gives it
veto power over major share sales or other corporate actions.</p><p>The Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions (PGFTU) <a href="http://www.usacbi.org/2010/06/pgftu-message-to-san-francisco-bay-area-trade-unionists/" target="_blank">has called</a>
on workers worldwide, and Bay Area workers in particular, to refuse to
facilitate the commerce of Zim and other Israeli companies as part of
BDS. This call was <a href="http://www.cosatu.org.za/show.php?ID=9229" target="_blank">supported by COSATU</a>, the Coalition of South African Trade Unions.</p><p>US
unions have for the most part been slow to respond, due in part to the
deep and longstanding influence of the Histadrut and its US counterpart,
the <a href="http://laborforpalestine.net/labor-for-palestine-briefings/the-jewish-labor-committee-and-apartheid-israel/" target="_blank">Jewish Labor Committee</a>
(JLC). Formed as an anti-fascist solidarity group in <a href="tel:1934" value="+661934" target="_blank">1934</a>, the JLC has
since the end of World War II taken the most reactionary positions on
political (and particularly racial justice) issues, from supporting
McCarthyite anti-communist, anti-Semitic witch-hunts in the 1950s, to
demonizing the black freedom movement in the sixties, to helping roll
back affirmative action policies in the seventies, to supporting the US
attacks on Vietnam and Iraq.</p><p>The organization is primarily
concerned, however, with enforcing a pro-Israel line in elite labor and
Democratic Party circles, including through its cozy relationship with
the AFL-CIO. In 2009, the JLC co-founded the group <a href="http://revitalisinglabour.blogspot.com/2009/05/pro-israel-unionists-seek-to-undermine.html" target="_blank">Trade Unions Linking Israel and Palestine</a> (TULIP), whose specific purpose is to prevent trade union support for BDS and undermine it where it already exists.</p><p>Given
this political climate, it’s remarkable that this summer’s Block the
Boat action in Oakland was able to succeed — and only due to mass
community participation and solidarity from the rank and file of the Bay
Area dockworkers’ union, the International Longshore and Warehouse
Union (ILWU) Local 10. While the JLC and other Zionist organizations
wield great influence over the AFL-CIO, the ILWU actually broke with the
AFL-CIO as recently as August 2013. The union’s slogan is “An injury to
one is an injury to all,” and their history bears out their commitment
to international solidarity.</p><p>It was a <a href="http://www.ilwu.org/death-of-nelson-mandela-recalls-decades-of-ilwu-support-for-anti-apartheid-struggle/" target="_blank">strike</a> by Local 10 that kept a South African ship from offloading its cargo for eleven days in <a href="tel:1984" value="+661984" target="_blank">1984</a>. In <a href="tel:1978" value="+661978" target="_blank">1978</a>, Local 10 <a href="http://www.ilwu19.com/history/the_ilwu_story/international_solidarity.htm" target="_blank">refused</a>
to load weapons parts that were supposed to be sent to Chile’s brutal
military dictatorship. During the Occupy protests, the union refused to
work as part of the general strike called for by Occupy Oakland and
other activists. Local 10 member Clarence Thomas <a href="http://www.workers.org/articles/2014/08/27/west-coast-activists-block-zionist-ships" target="_blank">traces</a>
the union’s history of honoring direct actions back eighty years:
“[w]e’ve respected community picket lines since <a href="tel:1935" value="+661935" target="_blank">1935</a>, when Local 10
workers refused to load metal that was bound for the war machines of
fascist Italy and Japan.”</p><p>Since sympathy strikes are illegal under
the anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act, the union leadership itself couldn’t
take a position in support of Block the Boat’s community picket. But the
sympathies of the rank-and-file are nonetheless clear, nowhere more so
than in the 2010 <a href="http://www.labournet.net/docks2/1006/oakland6.html" target="_blank">resolution</a> (adopted by Local 10’s executive board) condemning Israel’s attack on the <i>Mavi Marmara</i>
and declaring support for the PGFTU call for boycott. That year saw the
first successful port action targeting an Israeli ship in 2010, when
(in response to Israel’s massacre of nine activists aboard the Gaza aid
flotilla <i>Mavi Marmara</i>) five hundred activists in Oakland prevented a Zim ship from unloading for a full day.</p><p>Then
as now, the efforts of Oakland’s community in support of the
Palestinian liberation movement would not have enjoyed such success
without the support of the ILWU rank and file. According to Block the
Boat organizer Lara Kiswani, executive director of the Arab Resource and
Organizing Center (AROC), part of the reason for the successes of the
Bay Area Palestine solidarity work lies in its history of engagement
with organized labor: “The Arab and Palestinian community worked for
over a decade to establish a relationship to the labor movement in the
Bay Area.”</p><p>Indeed, Block the Boat had initially been planned for <span><span>August 2</span></span>, but AROC organizers pushed for it to be rescheduled to <span><span>August 16</span></span>
in order to give them time to develop their relationship with the
union, as well as to bring out the Palestinian and other Arab leadership
that has been central throughout protests against the Gaza massacre.
Day after day, AROC and other activists went to the union hall to talk
to the workers, to explain why they were carrying out the action, to
answer their questions, and to ask for their support, in a continual
process of engagement.</p><p>We also had the support of ILWU members who
are community activists around many anti-racist struggles. The most
important relationships weren’t with the union leadership, Kiswani says,
but with the rank and file, who were supportive throughout the action:
“[W]e even received phone calls and emails from ILWU workers providing
us with vital information about the ship, its whereabouts and its
anticipated departure.”</p><p>While Block the Boat was originally planned as a one-off, the success of the <span><span>August 16</span></span> action (the <i>Piraeus</i>
didn’t even attempt to dock) created such momentum that the effort
broadened beyond the initial organizing. The community returned every
day at <span><span>5 am</span></span>, and then again at <span><span>5 pm</span></span>.
Zim tried to wait it out — they even (apparently) tried to fake us out
by making for Los Angeles and then doubling back to dock in a different
berth, operated by Ports of America (PA).</p><p>The little cargo Zim
managed to offload was, according to sources in the longshoremen’s
union, a result of the duplicity of PA, which circumvented our picket by
calling in longshoremen to work other ships before transferring them to
the <i>Piraeus</i>. In 2010, Local 10 was under contract, which
guaranteed they would be paid irrespective of their decision to strike.
This time, however, they were without a contract, which meant they
wouldn’t be paid if they refused to work. Still, every morning and every
evening, Local 10 lived up to their values and reputation by refusing
to cross our picket line.</p><p>We were told that, officially, the
longshoremen wouldn’t cross because of “unsafe working conditions.” It
wasn’t our picket that made the conditions unsafe, but rather, potential
police reaction — union members pointed to a 2005 incident in which
Oakland police shot workers crossing a picket line with rubber bullets.
As long as our picket line was big enough, Local 10 would respect it.</p><p>The longshoremen kept their word. As <span><span>midnight</span></span>
approached on Tuesday, August 19, we heard from several sources that
those longshoremen who had been manipulated into working the Zim ship
were planning to engage in a work slowdown, deliberately minimizing the
amount of cargo they unloaded. The insistence of AROC and other
activists that the Block the Boat coalition take the time to cultivate a
relationship with labor based on trust and respect turned out to be
crucial.</p><p>While some <a href="http://sanfrancisco.cbslocal.com/2014/08/20/israeli-owned-cargo-ship-zim-piraeus-unloaded-at-port-of-oakland-following-gaza-protests-union-workers-longshoremen-ilwu-palestinians/" target="_blank">sloppy media reports</a>
alleged that the ship had successfully unloaded its cargo before
leaving the Bay, sources told us that only a fraction of the 176
Oakland-bound containers were actually offloaded. One Port of Oakland
official claimed 26 had been unloaded; other union sources said 50.
These figures remain unconfirmed, but regardless of the exact numbers,
as the ship finally left it was <a href="https://twitter.com/mazthespazz/status/502488806948225025" target="_blank">clearly</a> still laden with red containers, while no cargo was loaded onto it.</p><p>This information has since been confirmed by companies <a href="http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/21391" target="_blank">quoted</a> as saying they’re reconsidering doing business with Zim in the wake of Block the Boat. It would certainly explain why it spent <span><span>August 20</span></span>
moored in the Bay instead of taking off immediately. Maybe it was
waiting for us to leave before attempting to dock at another berth. At
any rate, it wasn’t a decision Zim made lightly: one dockworker told us
every twelve hours we delayed the <i>Piraeus</i> cost the company $50,000.</p><p>That
figure, too, is still unconfirmed, but what we know for sure is that
the lost revenue greatly exceeds the operating costs. After activists in
Los Angeles, Tacoma, and Seattle also succeeded in delaying Zim ships,
it’s clear that Block the Boat isn’t just a flash in the pan: doing
business with Zim can cause significant delays, and customers who don’t
want to deal with that will take their business elsewhere.</p><p>So it
appears that, as a BDS tactic, Block the Boat has legs. And it’s no
surprise that it was kicked off in the Bay Area, a hotbed of Palestinian
and Palestine solidarity activism. University of California Berkeley
and University of California Davis, for example, were home to two of the
earliest chapters of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP), an
organization of which I am a member. In 2002, Berkeley hosted the first
National SJP Conference. Since then, SJP chapters have been at the
vanguard of BDS campaigns (specifically focused on divestment) at
universities across the United States.</p><p>Kiswani, herself one of the
co-founders of SJP at Davis, says the strength and vision of
pro-Palestinian organizing in the Bay Area is attributable, in part, to
the painstaking work of building coalitions across movements: “The
organizing that led up to the Block the Boat action in Oakland included
the leadership of AROC and that of Arabs and Palestinians,” she told me,
“but also involved the leadership of organizers that work on issues of
policing, militarization, anti-war, economic, housing, and racial
justice.”</p><p>The growing success of BDS — through divestment
initiatives, Block the Boat, or other direct actions — depends on
precisely these kinds of relationships. As this action showed, no single
relationship is more crucial to the effectiveness of BDS than its
relationship to organized labor. BDS isn’t just about isolating Israel.
It’s also about normalizing that isolation, so that every dollar Zim
loses due to delays or spoiled goods carries with it the threat of much
greater losses.</p><p>Zim is already in dire financial straits, requiring a gigantic <a href="http://www.haaretz.com/business/1.602705" target="_blank">restructuring plan</a>
that would, among other things, write off $1.4 billion of the company’s
$3.4 billion debt. Israel regards Zim as vital to national security,
and not just because of its golden share or those eleven ships. The
Israeli government’s ability to preserve its regime of ethnic cleansing
and apartheid ultimately depends on its smooth integration into the
global capitalist system.</p><p>Corporations like Zim are lifelines that tie Israel to the “international community” of global trade. The Israeli economy is <a href="http://www.middleeasteye.net/columns/why-bds-movement-can-no-longer-be-ignored-1955265267" target="_blank">heavily dependent</a>
on exports, mostly to the US and Europe: A 2011 meeting of Israeli
capitalists concluded that, if government policy doesn’t change
dramatically, Israel eventually will face isolation on the order of what
ended apartheid South Africa.</p><p>One of Israel’s largest global industries is the <a href="http://israelglobalrepression.wordpress.com/" target="_blank">repression industry</a>.
Israel plays a critical role in supplying repressive regimes — from
Pinochet to the Argentinean junta to the South African apartheid
government, from the United States to Brazil to India — with the
technology, weapons, strategies, and methods of repression that they
need to repress their own populations and gain political and economic
power through the exploitation of people and land across the globe.</p><p>However,
beyond the war economy, according to the Israel Export Institute, “a
worrying picture”: Israeli exports to the US have been declining for
five consecutive quarters, falling <a href="http://www.globes.co.il/en/article-exports-down-7-in-second-quarter-1000959241" target="_blank">7 percent</a>
in the second quarter of 2014. The Palestine solidarity movement is
moving from strength to strength. The protests of Zim, as the last big
solidarity action in the wake of Israel’s counterinsurgency operation in
the Gaza Strip, makes clear how ripe the situation is for an escalation
of BDS action in the US and worldwide.</p><p>The keys to escalating BDS
lie at the intersections of struggles. The progressive currents in
organized labor are in many cases already sympathetic to Palestinians.
It’s up to activists to reciprocate by being precise in our work, and
ever mindful of the pressures union workers are under and their
experience of corporate power.</p><p>It’s up to everyone who stands in solidarity with Palestinians to make connections. The Zim line imports Israeli-made <a href="http://truth-out.org/news/item/25844-israeli-company-targeted-by-oakland-blockade-imports-ammunition-into-us" target="_blank">ammunition</a>
into the US for use by police and the military. The bullets Israel
routinely uses to kill Palestinians with impunity are the same bullets
the US uses to kill black and brown people from Oakland to Ferguson to
Afghanistan.</p><p>Zim is a key material link between the purveyors and
the executors of imperial violence, between racist state repression at
home and abroad. This year as last year, SWAT teams and military
contractors from around the world convened in Oakland for the annual <a href="http://www.commondreams.org/news/2013/10/24/urban-shield-epitome-state-repression-coming-town-near-you" target="_blank">“Urban Shield”</a>
global training exercise and weapons expo. Like other such events,
Israelis feature prominently at Urban Shield, often advertising their
wares as field-tested on Palestinians.</p><p>This year, Urban Shield was
met with fierce resistance from a coalition of hundreds of activists,
from those organizing against local police brutality and mass
incarceration to those organizing against Israeli militarism and
apartheid.</p><p>Oakland won’t be hosting Urban Shield <a href="http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Oakland-will-not-host-Urban-Shield-next-year-5738774.php" target="_blank">next year</a>. And a glance at the Zim Pacific line’s <a href="http://www.zim.com/services/schedules/pages/longterm.aspx?selectService=ZCS&selectLine=ZCP&selectLinetext=Zim+Container+Service+Pacific+%28ZCP%29" target="_blank">schedule</a>
indicates there will be no Zim ships docking in California — not in the
Bay Area, and not in Los Angeles — after the next Oakland Block the
Boat action on <span><span>October 25</span></span>.</p><p>That’s what BDS looks like to me.</p><div><p>Kumars Salehi is a PhD student in German Studies and a member of UC Berkeley Students for Justice in Palestine.</p></div><span class="HOEnZb"><font color="#888888">-- <br><div dir="ltr"><ol><li><b><font><span></span><font size="1"><span><span>EBook, November 2012:</span> <a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/recovering_internationalism/" target="_blank">Recovering
Internationalism</a>. </span><span><font color="#ff0000">[A compilation of papers from the new millenium. Now free in two download formats]</font></span><span><span><a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/" target="_blank"></span></span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,0,0)"><span></a></span></span><span><span><a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/" target="_blank"></span></span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,0,0)"><span></a></span></span></font></font></b></li><li><b><font size="1"><span><span>EBook (co-editor), February 2013: World Social Forum: Critical Explorations <a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/" target="_blank"></font>http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/<font color="#ff0000"> </a></span></span><span><span><br></span></span></font></b></li><li><b><font size="1"><span>Interface
Journal<span> Special (co-editor), November 2012:</span> </span><span style="font-weight:normal"><a href="http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/" target="_blank">For the Global Emancipation of Labour</a></span></font></b>
</li><li><b><font size="1"><span lang="NL">Blog:</span><span lang="NL"> <a href="http://www.unionbook.org/profile/peterwaterman." target="_blank">http://www.unionbook.org/profile/peterwaterman.</a>
</span></font></b></li><li><b><font size="1">Interface Journal Special (Co-Editor) Social Movement Internationalisms. <a href="http://www.interfacejournal.net/" target="_blank">See Call for Papers</a>, <font color="#ff0000">(Deadline: May 1, 2014). </font></font></b></li><li><b><font size="1"><font color="#ff0000"><a href="http://interfacejournal.nuim.ie/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Interface-1-2-pp255-262-Waterman.pdf" target="_blank"></font></font></span></font><font color="#000000">Needed: a Global Labour Charter Movement<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"><font color="#000000"> <font color="#ff0000">(2005-Now!)<br></a></font></font></b></li><li><b><font size="1"><font color="#ff0000"><font color="#000000"><a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/under-against-beyond/" target="_blank"><font color="red"><b>MailScanner has detected a possible fraud attempt from "www.into-ebooks.com" claiming to be</b></font> Under, Against, Beyond: Labour and Social Movements Confront a Globalised, Informatised Capitalism </a>(2011) <font color="#ff0000">Almost 1,000 pages of Working Papers, free, from the <a href="tel:1980" value="+661980" target="_blank">1980</a>'s-90's</font>.</font></font></font></b></li><li><b><font size="1"><font color="#ff0000"><font color="#000000">Google Scholar Citation Index:</font></font></font></b><br><span style="display:block"> <b><font size="1"><a href="http://scholar.google.com.pe/citations?user=e0e6Qa4AAAAJ" target="_blank">http://scholar.google.com.pe/citations?user=e0e6Qa4AAAAJ</a> </font></b><br></span></li></ol><ul><li><table cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr></tr></tbody></table></li></ul><font size="1">
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