<div dir="ltr">thanks Francois for this excellent analysis of the dark tidings from Thailand, completely agree with it,<div><br></div><div>Michel<br><br><div class="gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>From: <b class="gmail_sendername">Francois Houtart</b> <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:houtart@hotmail.com">houtart@hotmail.com</a>></span><br>
Date: Tue, May 27, 2014 at 7:09 PM<br>Subject: FW: [aepf] Class War: Thailand’s Military Coup<br>To: Michel Bauwens <<a href="mailto:michel@p2pfoundation.net">michel@p2pfoundation.net</a>><br><br><br>
<div><div dir="ltr"><br><br>François Houtart<br><p style="color:rgb(68,68,68);line-height:21.29px;font-size:15px"><span style="color:black;line-height:19.87px;font-family:Calibri,serif;font-size:10.5pt"><a href="mailto:houtart@hotmail.com" target="_blank">houtart@hotmail.com</a></span></p>
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<span lang="ES" style="color:black;line-height:19.87px;font-family:Calibri,serif;font-size:10.5pt">Calle Ruiz de Castilla N. 26-92</span><span lang="ES" style="color:black;line-height:19.87px;font-family:"Segoe UI",sans-serif;font-size:10.5pt"></span></p>
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</p><br><br><div><hr>Date: Wed, 28 May 2014 08:02:33 +0800<br>From: <a href="mailto:josephp@focusweb.org" target="_blank">josephp@focusweb.org</a><br>To: <a href="mailto:eu-asean-fta-philippines-campaign-network@googlegroups.com" target="_blank">eu-asean-fta-philippines-campaign-network@googlegroups.com</a>; <a href="mailto:stopthenewround-philippines@yahoogroups.com" target="_blank">stopthenewround-philippines@yahoogroups.com</a>; <a href="mailto:pmcj@googlegroups.com" target="_blank">pmcj@googlegroups.com</a>; <a href="mailto:aepf@lists.riseup.net" target="_blank">aepf@lists.riseup.net</a><br>
Subject: [aepf] Class War: Thailand’s Military Coup<br><br><div dir="ltr"><div><br></div><h2 style="padding:0px;color:rgb(29,29,29);font-size:36px;clear:both;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif;line-height:40px">
<a href="http://www.thenation.com/blog/180023/class-war-thailands-military-coup" title="Class War: Thailand’s Military Coup" style="color:rgb(0,0,0);text-decoration:none" target="_blank">Class War: Thailand’s Military Coup</a></h2>
<div style="display:inline;font-family:Georgia,Times,serif;font-style:italic;font-weight:bold;font-size:11px;color:rgb(82,106,131)"><a href="http://www.thenation.com/authors/walden-bello" style="color:rgb(73,106,139);text-decoration:none;font-size:15px" target="_blank">Walden Bello</a> and <a href="http://www.thenation.com/authors/foreign-policy-focus" style="color:rgb(73,106,139);text-decoration:none;font-size:15px" target="_blank">Foreign Policy In Focus</a> <span style="color:rgb(178,178,178)"><abbr title="2014-05-27T17:00:03-14400">on May 27, 2014 - 5:00 PM ET</abbr></span></div>
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</div></div><div><div><div><p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif"><em style="padding:0px 3px 0px 0px">A Thai police officer detains an anti-coup protester in Bangkok, May 24, 2014. (AP Photo/Wason Wanichakorn)</em></p>
</div></div></div><p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">This article is a joint publication of TheNation.com and <a href="http://fpif.org/class-war-thailands-military-coup/" style="color:rgb(73,106,139);text-decoration:none" target="_blank">Foreign Policy In Focus</a>.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">After declaring martial law on Tuesday, May 20, the Thai military announced a full-fledged coup two days later. The putsch followed seven months of massive street protests against the ruling Pheu Thai government identified with former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The power grab by army chief Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha came two weeks after Thaksin’s sister, Yingluck, was ousted as caretaker prime minister by the country’s Constitutional Court for “abuse of power” on May 7.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">The Thai military portrayed its seizure of power as an effort to impose order after two rounds of talks between the country’s rival factions failed to produce a compromise that would provide Thailand with a functioning government.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif"><strong>Deftly Managed Script</strong></p><p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">
The military’s narrative produced few takers. Indeed, many analysts saw the military’s move as a <em style="padding:0px 3px 0px 0px">coup de grâce</em> to Thailand’s elected government, following what they saw as the judicial coup of May 7.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">It is indeed difficult not to see the putsch as the final step in a script deftly managed by the conservative “royalist” establishment to thwart the right to govern of a populist political bloc that has won every election since 2001. Utilizing anti-corruption discourse to inflame the middle class into civil protest, the aim of key forces in the anti-government coalition has been, from the start, to create the kind of instability that would provoke the military to step in and provide the muscle for a new political order.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">Using what analyst Marc Saxer calls “middle class rage” as the battering ram, these elite elements forced the resignation of the Yingluck government in December; disrupted elections in February, thus providing the justification for the conservative Constitutional Court to nullify them; and instigated that same court’s decision to oust Yingluck as caretaker prime minister on May 7 on flimsy charges of “abuse of power.” Civil protest was orchestrated with judicial initiatives to pave the way for a military takeover.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">The military says that it will set up a “reform council” and a “national assembly” that will lay the institutional basis of a new government. This plan sounds very much like the plan announced in late November by the protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban, which would place the country for a year under an unelected, unaccountable reform panel.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">The military’s move has largely elicited the approval of Suthep’s base of middle-class supporters. Indeed, it has been middle-class support that has provided cover for the calculated moves of the political elites. Many of those that provided the backbone of the street protests now anticipate the drafting of an elitist new order that will institutionalize political <span><a href="http://www.thenation.com/section/inequality?lc=int_mb_1001" style="color:rgb(73,106,139);text-decoration:none" target="_blank">inequality</a></span> in favor of Bangkok and the country’s urban middle class.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif"><strong>The Thai Middle Class: From Paragons to Enemies of Democracy</strong></p><p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">
The sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset once celebrated the Thai middle class as paragons of democracy. But in recent years, middle-class Thais have transmogrified into supporters of an elitist, frankly antidemocratic agenda. Today’s middle class is no longer the pro-democracy middle class that overthrew the dictatorship of Gen. Suchinda Krapayoon in <a href="tel:1992" value="+661992" target="_blank">1992</a>. What happened?</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">Worth quoting in full is an insightful analysis of this transformation provided by <a href="http://www.social-europe.eu/2014/01/thailands-middle-class/" title="Marc Saxer" style="color:rgb(73,106,139);text-decoration:none" target="_blank">Marc Saxer</a>:</p>
<blockquote style="padding:1.25em 1.25em 0px"><p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">The Bangkok middle class called for democratization and specifically the liberalization of the state with the political rights to protect themselves from the abuse of power by the elites. However, once democracy was institutionalized, they found themselves to be the structural minority. Mobilized by clever political entrepreneurs, it was now the periphery who handily won every election. Ignorant of the rise of a rural middle class demanding full participation in social and political life, the middle class in the center interpreted demands for equal rights and public goods as ‘the poor getting greedy’… [M]ajority rule was equated with unsustainable welfare expenses, which would eventually lead to bankruptcy.</p>
</blockquote><p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">From the perspective of the middle class, Saxer continues, majority rule</p><blockquote style="padding:1.25em 1.25em 0px">
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">overlooks the political basis of the social contract: a social compromise between all stakeholders. Never has any social contract been signed which obligates the middle class to foot the tax bill, in exchange for quality public services, political stability and social peace. This is why middle classes feel like they are “being robbed” by corrupt politicians, who use their tax revenues to “buy votes” from the “greedy poor.” Or, in a more subtle language, the “uneducated rural masses are easy prey for politicians who promise them everything in an effort to get a hold of power.”</p>
</blockquote><p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">Thus, Saxer concludes, from the viewpoint of the urban middle class,</p><blockquote style="padding:1.25em 1.25em 0px">
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">policies delivering to local constituencies are nothing but “populism,” or another form of “vote buying” by power hungry politicians. The Thai Constitutional Court, in a seminal ruling, thus equated the very principle of elections with corruption. Consequently, time and again, the “yellow” alliance of feudal elites along with the Bangkok middle class called for the disenfranchisement of the “uneducated poor,” or even more bluntly the suspension of electoral democracy.</p>
</blockquote><p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif"><strong>Impossible Dream</strong></p><p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">
However, the elite-middle class alliance is deceiving itself if it thinks the adoption of a Constitution institutionalizing minority rule will be possible. For Thailand is no longer the Thailand of twenty years ago, where political conflicts were still largely conflicts among elites, with the vast lower classes being either onlookers or passive followers of warring elite factions.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">What is now the driving force of Thai politics is class conflict with Thai characteristics, to borrow from Mao. The central figure that has transformed the Thai political landscape is the exiled Thaksin Shinawatra, a charismatic, if corrupt, billionaire who managed through a combination of populism, patronage and the skillful deployment of cash to create a massive electoral majority. While for Thaksin the aim of this coalition might be the cornering or monopolization of elite power, for the social sectors he has mobilized, the goal is the redistribution of wealth and power from the elites to the masses and—equally important—extracting respect for people that had been scorned as “country bumpkins” or “buffaloes.” However much Thaksin’s “Redshirt” movement may be derided as a coalition between corrupt politicians and the “greedy poor,” it has become the vehicle for the acquisition of full citizenship rights by Thailand’s marginalized classes.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">The elite-middle class alliance is dreaming if it thinks that the Redshirts will stand aside and allow them to dictate the terms of surrender, much less institutionalize these in a new Constitution. But neither do the Redshirts at present possess the necessary coercive power to alter the political balance in the short and medium term. It is now their turn to wage civil resistance.</p>
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<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">Since the coup, about 150 people have been reported detained—including <a href="http://www.trust.org/item/20140526191229-egnah/" title="Pravit Rojanaphruk" style="color:rgb(73,106,139);text-decoration:none" target="_blank">Pravit Rojanaphruk</a>, a prominent reporter for Thailand’s <em style="padding:0px 3px 0px 0px">Nation</em> newspaper known for his criticism of the anti-government protest movement that precipitated the military’s intervention.</p>
<p style="font-size:15px;line-height:1.6em;font-family:'Helvetica Neue',Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif">What now seems likely is that, with violent and nonviolent civil protest by the Redshirts, Thailand will experience a prolonged and bitter descent into virtual civil war, with the Pheu Thai regional strongholds—the North, Northeast and parts of the central region of the country—becoming increasingly ungovernable from imperial Bangkok. It is a tragic denouement to which an anti-democratic opposition disdaining all political compromise has plunged this once promising Southeast Asian nation.</p>
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<br></div><div>Joseph Purugganan</div><div>Program Officer</div><div><br></div><div><span style="font-size:small;font-weight:normal;font-family:arial"><span style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:13px;border-collapse:collapse"><div style="font-weight:bold">
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</div><div style="font-size:13.3333px;font-weight:normal">Focus on the Global South- Philippine Office</div><div style="font-size:13.3333px;font-weight:normal">19 Maginhawa Street, UP Village, Diliman, Quezon City</div><div style="font-size:13.3333px;font-weight:normal">
Philippines</div><div style="font-size:13.3333px;font-weight:normal">Tel. No: <a href="tel:%2B6324331676" value="+6324331676" target="_blank">+6324331676</a></div><div style="font-size:13.3333px;font-weight:normal">Telefax: <a href="tel:%2B6323552578" value="+6323552578" target="_blank">+6323552578</a></div>
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Mobile: <a href="tel:%2B639228299450" value="+639228299450" target="_blank">+639228299450</a></div></span></b></div><div style="font-weight:normal"><br></div></span></b></div>
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</div><br><br clear="all"><div><br></div>-- <br><div dir="ltr"><div><b>Please note an intrusion wiped out my inbox on February 8; I have no record of previous communication, proposals, etc ..</b></div><div><br></div>P2P Foundation: <a href="http://p2pfoundation.net" target="_blank">http://p2pfoundation.net</a> - <a href="http://blog.p2pfoundation.net" target="_blank">http://blog.p2pfoundation.net</a> <br>
<br><a href="http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation" target="_blank"></a>Updates: <a href="http://twitter.com/mbauwens" target="_blank">http://twitter.com/mbauwens</a>; <a href="http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens" target="_blank">http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens</a><br>
<br>#82 on the (En)Rich list: <a href="http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/" target="_blank">http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/</a> <br></div>
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