<div dir="ltr"><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#262626"><i>Translation, by Danica Jorden</i></font><font color="#000000"><i> </i></font></div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px">
<font color="#0040A1"><u><a href="http://www.upsidedownworld.org/main/index.php" target="_blank">http://www.upsidedownworld.org/main/index.php</a></u></font></div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px">
<font color="#0000FF" size="+1"><b>Ecuador - The Yasuní and the Current State of Affairs: Economics, Regulation, and Opposition</b></font></div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000"><i><b>Denying the referendum will have enormous impacts on the quality of democracy, the protection or lack of the right to participate in governance, and will give a green light to unopposed oil exploration.</b></i></font></div>
<div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#262626"><br></font></div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#262626">Written by Eduardo Gudynas, Translated by Danica Jorden</font><font color="#000000"> </font></div>
<div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#353535">Thursday, 08 May 2014 </font><font color="#000000"> Source:</font><i> Plan V</i></div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px">
<font color="#000000"><br></font></div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000">The National Electoral Council in Ecuador has announced that a sufficient number of signatures was not gathered in order to call for a public referendum concerning oil exploration in the Yasuní park. This decision will have enormous impacts. It has been interpreted by many as a step backwards for democracy. This decision has been called out, rightly so, as not only a hindrance of public expression, but also for the manner in which the decision was made, referring to unusual bureaucratic and administrative practices.</font></div>
<div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000"><br>The prevailing appetite for the money gushing out of the ITT oil exploration fields has also been pointed out. I don't discount these reasons. But getting exploration up and running will take some time and would hardly benefit the current administration. Others will say that doesn't matter, that this is really part of a re-election effort, and that financial profits will be used to sustain the government into the next cycle. This extreme view, however, has yet to be confirmed.<br>
<br>I am sure that various analysts will delve into these questions, and that's why I prefer to explore other points of view that are directly related to the current state of affairs and reflect more urgent needs.</font><br>
</div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000"><b>Capital's Reasons</b><br>Firstly, it is important to keep in mind the intention to continue seeking bids for oil field concessions. In these negotiations, corporate heads demand firm investment conditions, in order to ensure that the blocks they acquire can be effectively exploited. But these assurances would crumble in light of the possibility of a people's referendum that could prevent oil exploration in any corner of the country. There's no lack of executives who fear, or claim to, that if there is a vote for a moratorium in the Yasuní, that other votes could follow for other locations in the Amazon. Likewise, the government's difficulties in the recent round of petroleum negotiations over the Southeast have not gone unnoticed. So, in order to clear the way for new oil negotiations, the government needs to reassert complete control over what it offers, and that implies stopping plebiscites that might place conditions on that control.</font><br>
</div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000"><b>The needs to control and discipline</b><br>Secondly, it must be noted that the mobilization in defense of the Yasuní was enormous, and the role played by new collectives, especially the Yasunidos, has had great impact. New forms of political expression were in evidence, youth activism was reborn, and more horizontal structures were created, making them more difficult to co-opt. To put it bluntly: There were examples of an independent people's mobilization that was not under the government's or any political party's control. Furthermore, all of their issues pointed to the essence of the Correa administration's development strategy, debating its extractivism, and demanding compliance with the ecological mandates set forth in the Montecristi Constitution.<br>
<br>A strong, autonomous, and potential-filled movement will always be confronted by those in power. So under this hypothesis, it was crucial to stop a popular referendum in order to prevent the collective from continuing to operate, increase its base of support, learn from experience and mature into an unmanageable political adversary.<br>
<br>There is at least one precedent for the confluence of these two factors, safeguarding oil investment and controlling civil society, and that was shown in the dissolution of the Pachamama Foundation. These two factors were present then, and used to justify the extreme way the foundation was alleged to have affected one of the oil negotiations, while cutting off its support for local communities, and sending a message to other NGOs.<br>
<br>Under this same logic, one must not exclude the possibility of a supreme confidence game: that this same President could decide to call for a popular referendum himself. With the disciplinary period over, the message to oil investors is also clear, and he could counteract some of the critics, take over the initiative and call for a referendum himself, but under his own conditions (and including his own issues).</font></div>
<div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><br></div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000"><b>It's best to avoid debate</b><br>In addition to these factors, one could also consider a third aspect. It is truly striking all the costs and criticisms (both national and international) that were incurred in order to prevent a popular referendum on the Yasuní. It's that if they had allowed the referendum, the result would have been uncertain, and I recognize that it is very possible that the decision to enable oil exploration might have won out. We cannot forget that the vast majority of voters live in cities, far from the Amazon, and many of them are more affected and concerned by their daily subsistence than what is happening in remote regions of Ecuador, and could possibly be overwhelmed by the government's media campaign. Despite all this, until now, no one has taken the risk. Any analysis should not ignore that if a popular referendum were called, a public debate would be enabled that, even in the case of a loss, would educate the people, strengthen independent networks, and perhaps ultimately lead to victory.</font></div>
<div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000"><br></font></div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000"><b>Defending extractivism is regressive</b><br>
Under these conditions appears the fourth, and final, point of these preliminary hypotheses. Governments cannot dive into far-reaching and multiple debates on extractivism because from these vantage points, there are too few arguments to defend it. Present day extractivism is only possible by reigning in democratic plurality. Few projects would surpass rigorous environmental and social regulation, as they always have great environmental impacts and few people in local communities would agree to sacrifice their lands.<br>
<br>This issue is more serious for progressive governments, since the vast majority of extractivist rationale is based on conservative arguments tied to the market and reinforcing global commercial subordination. These arguments are therefore contrary to the very essence of the left.<br>
<br>All this means that a progressive government, when forced to seriously discuss its appetite for petroleum or mining, must shed its clothes and reveal its most intimate mercantile thoughts. Public debates on oil exploration in the Amazon promoted through public referendum could raise discussion about issues much more far-reaching than the government's petroleum strategy. There would rapidly also be discussion about development, government practices, etc., revealing their contradictions. And this is something that many progressives know, and why they avoid going there at all costs.</font><br>
</div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000">In this current state of affairs, economic interests, the appetite for control, and the fear of being trapped in ideological contradictions clarifies how progressivism is a process that is increasingly detached from the left from which it originated. What just happened concerning oil exploration in the Yasuní is but one more contribution to this divergence. In the meantime, the future of the Yasuní remains in question</font></div>
<div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000"><br></font></div><div style="font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:12.666666984558105px"><font color="#000000"><i>Eduardo Gudynas is one of South America's most respected environmental analysts and activists.</i></font></div>
<br><div class="gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>From: <b class="gmail_sendername">peter waterman</b> <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:peterwaterman1936@gmail.com">peterwaterman1936@gmail.com</a>></span><br>
Date: Tue, May 13, 2014 at 9:54 AM<br>Subject: Fwd: Ecuador: Yasuní en la coyuntura: economía, control y contradicciones/The Yasuní and the Current State of Affairs<br>To: Raphael Hoetmer <<a href="mailto:Raphael@democraciaglobal.org">Raphael@democraciaglobal.org</a>>, gina vargas <<a href="mailto:ginvargas@gmail.com">ginvargas@gmail.com</a>>, Michel Bauwens <<a href="mailto:michel@p2pfoundation.net">michel@p2pfoundation.net</a>><br>
<br><br><div dir="ltr"><div style="font-size:small"><br></div><br><div class="gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>From: <b class="gmail_sendername">Brian K. Murphy</b> <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:brian@radicalroad.com" target="_blank">brian@radicalroad.com</a>></span><br>
Date: Tue, May 13, 2014 at 4:36 PM<br>Subject: Ecuador: Yasuní en la coyuntura: economía, control y contradicciones/The Yasuní and the Current State of Affairs<br>To: <a href="mailto:worldsocialforum-discuss@openspaceforum.net" target="_blank">worldsocialforum-discuss@openspaceforum.net</a><br>
<br><br><u></u>
<div>
<div><font size="-1"><i><b>Note, an english t<font color="#262626">ranslation of this essay, by Danica Jorden, follows
below the original...</font></b></i></font></div>
<div><font size="-1"><i><b> ~ Brian</b></i></font></div>
<div><font size="-1"><b>*******************</b></font></div>
<div><font size="-2"><b><br></b></font></div>
<div><font size="-2"><b><a href="http://www.planv.com.ec/historias/sociedad/yasuni-la-coyuntura-econo" target="_blank">http://www.planv.com.ec/historias/sociedad/yasuni-la-coyuntura-econo</a><span></span>mia-control-y-contradicciones</b></font></div>
<div><font color="#0000FF" size="+1"><b>Yasuní en la coyuntura:
economía, control y contradicciones</b></font></div>
<div><i><b>La negación de la consulta tiene enormes impactos sobre
la calidad de la democracia, la vigencia o no de los derechos de
participación y la luz verde para la explotación petrolera sin
contradicciones.</b></i></div>
<div><br></div>
<div>por Eduardo Gudynas | 07 de Mayo del 2014 |<i> Plan
V</i></div>
<div><br>
La autoridad electoral ha anunciado que no se han reunido las firmas
necesarias para llamar a una consulta ciudadana sobre la explotación
petrolera en el parque Yasuní. Esta es una decisión que tiene
enormes impactos. Muchos la interpretarán como un paso atrás en la
vida democrática. Señalarán, con razón, que esto se debe no
solamente a que se impide la expresión ciudadana, sino también a
los modos por los cuales se ha operado, apelando a extraños
mecanismos burocráticos y administrativos.<br>
<br>
También se apuntará que ha prevalecido el apetito por los dineros
que arrojaría la explotación petrolera en los campos ITT. No
descarto esos razonamientos. Pero la puesta en marcha de esas
operaciones llevará un buen tiempo y difícilmente serán
aprovechados por la actual administración. Otros dirán que eso no
importa, ya que esto es en realidad parte de un proyecto de
reelección, y entonces usarán esos recursos financieros para
sostener la continuidad gubernamental en el siguiente período. Pero
este extremo todavía no está confirmado.<br>
<br>
Estoy seguro que varios analistas ahondarán en estas cuestiones, y
es por ello que prefiero explorar otras aristas que están
directamente ligados a la coyuntura actual y expresen necesidades
apremiantes.<br>
</div>
<div><b>Las razones del capital</b><br>
En primer lugar se deben tener muy presentes las intenciones de
continuar con las rondas de concesiones de campos petroleros. En
esas negociaciones, los empresarios exigen condiciones de inversión
firmes, que aseguren que los lotes ganados puedan ser efectivamente
explotados. Pero esas certidumbres crujían ante la posibilidad de
una consulta ciudadana que pudiera impedir la explotación petrolera
en algún rincón del país. No faltarían ejecutivos que
temieran, o dijeran temer, que si se vota una moratoria para el
Yasuní, otro tanto podría repetirse en distintos sitios
amazónicos. A su vez, no pasaron desapercibidas las dificultades del
gobierno en la reciente ronda de negociaciones petroleras para el
suroriente. Por lo tanto, para despejar el camino para nuevas
negociaciones petroleras, el gobierno debería retomar el control
absoluto sobre lo que ofertaba, y ello implica detener mecanismos
plebiscitarios que lo pudieran condicionar.<br>
</div>
<div><b>Las necesidades controlar y disciplinar</b><br>
En segundo lugar, se debe reconocer que la movilización a favor del
Yasuní, fue enorme, y el papel de nuevos colectivos, notablemente
Yasunidos, fue impactante. Quedaron en evidencia nuevas formas de
expresión política, un retorno de la militancia juvenil,
estructuras más horizontales, y por lo tanto más difíciles de
cooptar. Dicho de modo muy esquemático: eran ensayos de
movilización ciudadana independiente, que no eran controladas desde el
gobierno o desde partidos políticos. Además, sus contenidos
apuntaban a la esencia de la estrategia de desarrollo de la
administración Correa, poniendo en discusión su extractivismo, y
reclamando el cumplimiento de los mandatos ecológicos de la
Constitución de Montecristi.<br>
</div>
<div>Un movimiento autónomo, potente y con muchas más
potencialidades, siempre es enfrentado desde el poder. Entonces, bajo
esta hipótesis, era crucial impedir la consulta ciudadana para
evitar que ese colectivo siguiera operando, continuara ampliando sus
bases de apoyo, ganara en experiencia, y madurara hasta convertirse en
un adversario político inmanejable.</div>
<div><br>
Existe al menos un antecedente de la confluencia de estos dos
factores, la salvaguarda a la inversión petrolera y el control sobre
la sociedad civil, y se expresó con la disolución de la
fundación Pachamama. Allí estuvieron presentes estos dos factores,
ya que se justificó esa medida extrema aduciendo que esa fundación
afectó una de las negociaciones petroleras, mientras que se cortaba
con sus apoyos a comunidades locales, y se mandaba un mensaje a las
demás ONGs.</div>
<div><br>
Bajo esa misma lógica, no puede excluirse un golpe de timón
dramático: que el propio Presidente decidiera llamar a la consulta
ciudadana. Como el ejercicio disciplinario ya se completó, el
mensaje a los inversores petroleras también está claro, se
podrían contrarrestar algunas de las críticas, retomar la
iniciativa, y llamar a una consulta, pero bajo sus condiciones
(incluyendo sus propias preguntas).<br>
</div>
<div><b>Es preferible evitar el debate</b><br>
Considerando estos factores, se puede abordar un tercer aspecto. Es
que de todos modos llama mucho la atención que se asumieran todos
los costos y críticas (nacionales e internacionales), de impedir la
consulta popular sobre el Yasuní. Es que si se hubiera permitido esa
consulta, el resultado era incierto, y reconozco que es muy posible
que hubiera triunfado la opción de habilitar la explotación
petrolera. No podemos olvidar que la mayor parte de los votantes
están en ciudades, lejos de la Amazonia, muchos con conocimientos y
sensibilidades más preocupadas por la subsistencia diaria que por lo
que ocurre en regiones remotas del Ecuador, y que posiblemente
oirían apabullantes campañas publicitarias gubernamentales. A pesar
de todo esto, hasta ahora, no se han aceptado riesgos. No debe escapar
al análisis que si se llamaba a la consulta ciudadana, se habilitaba
un proceso de debate público que aún en caso de perderse,
serviría para el aprendizaje ciudadano, el fortalecimiento de redes
independientes, y tal vez, hasta se podía ganar.<br>
</div>
<div><b>Defender los extractivismos es retroceder</b></div>
<div>Bajo estas condiciones asoma el cuarto, y último punto, en
estas hipótesis primarias. Los gobiernos no pueden adentrarse en
debates amplios y plurales sobre los extractivismos porque a estas
alturas, tienen muy escasos argumentos para defenderlos. El
extractivismo actual sólo es posible acotando la pluralidad
democrática. Pocos proyectos pasarían controles ambientales y
sociales rigurosos, ya que siempre implican altos impactos ambientales
y poca gente en las comunidades locales aceptarían sacrificar sus
territorios.<br>
<br>
Este asunto es más grave con los gobiernos progresistas, ya que la
mayor parte de las razones extractivistas además terminan en
razonamientos conservadores, anclados en el mercado y reforzando la
subordinación comercial global. Son, por lo tanto, argumentos
contrarios a la propia esencia de la izquierda.<br>
<br>
Todo esto hace que para el progresismo gobernante, cuando se ve
forzado a debatir en serio sobre su apetencia petrolera o minera, se
desnudan sus íntimos pensamientos mercantiles. Debates públicos
sobre la explotación petrolera en la Amazonia promovidos por una
consulta ciudadana, pondría en discusión asuntos que van mucho
más allá de la estrategia petrolera gubernamental. Rápidamente se
estaría discutiendo sus ideas sobre el desarrollo, sus prácticas
gubernamentales, etc. dejando en evidencia sus contradicciones. Y esto
es algo que muchos en el progresismo lo saben, y por ello evitan con
todas sus fuerzas entrar en esos terrenos.<br>
<br>
Bajo esta coyuntura, los intereses económicos, la apetencia por
controlar y el miedo a quedar atrapado en contradicciones
ideológicas, deja muy en claro que el progresismo es un proceso que se
está separando cada vez más de la izquierda que le dio origen. Lo
que acaba de suceder con la explotación petrolera en el Yasuní es
una contribución más a esa divergencia. Entretanto, el futuro del
Yasuní queda en entredicho.</div>
<div>*******</div>
<div><br></div>
<div><font color="#262626"><i>Translation, by Danica
Jorden</i></font><font color="#000000"><i> </i></font></div>
<div><font color="#0040A1"><u><a href="http://www.upsidedownworld.org/main/index.php" target="_blank">http://www.upsidedownworld.org/main/index.php</a></u></font></div>
<div><font color="#0000FF" size="+1"><b>Ecuador - The Yasuní and the
Current State of Affairs: Economics, Regulation, and
Opposition</b></font></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><i><b>Denying the referendum will have
enormous impacts on the quality of democracy, the protection or lack
of the right to participate in governance, and will give a green light
to unopposed oil exploration.</b></i></font></div>
<div><font color="#262626"><br></font></div>
<div><font color="#262626">Written by Eduardo Gudynas, Translated by
Danica Jorden</font><font color="#000000"> </font></div>
<div><font color="#353535">Thursday, 08 May 2014 </font><font color="#000000"> Source:</font><i> Plan V</i></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div><font color="#000000">The National Electoral Council in Ecuador
has announced that a sufficient number of signatures was not gathered
in order to call for a public referendum concerning oil exploration in
the Yasuní park. This decision will have enormous impacts. It has
been interpreted by many as a step backwards for democracy. This
decision has been called out, rightly so, as not only a hindrance of
public expression, but also for the manner in which the decision was
made, referring to unusual bureaucratic and administrative
practices.</font></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><br>
The prevailing appetite for the money gushing out of the ITT oil
exploration fields has also been pointed out. I don't discount these
reasons. But getting exploration up and running will take some time
and would hardly benefit the current administration. Others will say
that doesn't matter, that this is really part of a re-election
effort, and that financial profits will be used to sustain the
government into the next cycle. This extreme view, however, has yet to
be confirmed.<br>
<br>
I am sure that various analysts will delve into these questions, and
that's why I prefer to explore other points of view that are
directly related to the current state of affairs and reflect more
urgent needs.</font><br>
</div>
<div><font color="#000000"><b>Capital's Reasons</b><br>
Firstly, it is important to keep in mind the intention to continue
seeking bids for oil field concessions. In these negotiations,
corporate heads demand firm investment conditions, in order to ensure
that the blocks they acquire can be effectively exploited. But these
assurances would crumble in light of the possibility of a people's
referendum that could prevent oil exploration in any corner of the
country. There's no lack of executives who fear, or claim to, that
if there is a vote for a moratorium in the Yasuní, that other votes
could follow for other locations in the Amazon. Likewise, the
government's difficulties in the recent round of petroleum
negotiations over the Southeast have not gone unnoticed. So, in order
to clear the way for new oil negotiations, the government needs to
reassert complete control over what it offers, and that implies
stopping plebiscites that might place conditions on that
control.</font><br>
</div>
<div><font color="#000000"><b>The needs to control and
discipline</b><br>
Secondly, it must be noted that the mobilization in defense of the
Yasuní was enormous, and the role played by new collectives,
especially the Yasunidos, has had great impact. New forms of political
expression were in evidence, youth activism was reborn, and more
horizontal structures were created, making them more difficult to
co-opt. To put it bluntly: There were examples of an independent
people's mobilization that was not under the government's or any
political party's control. Furthermore, all of their issues pointed
to the essence of the Correa administration's development strategy,
debating its extractivism, and demanding compliance with the
ecological mandates set forth in the Montecristi Constitution.<br>
<br>
A strong, autonomous, and potential-filled movement will always be
confronted by those in power. So under this hypothesis, it was crucial
to stop a popular referendum in order to prevent the collective from
continuing to operate, increase its base of support, learn from
experience and mature into an unmanageable political adversary.<br>
<br>
There is at least one precedent for the confluence of these two
factors, safeguarding oil investment and controlling civil society,
and that was shown in the dissolution of the Pachamama Foundation.
These two factors were present then, and used to justify the extreme
way the foundation was alleged to have affected one of the oil
negotiations, while cutting off its support for local communities, and
sending a message to other NGOs.<br>
<br>
Under this same logic, one must not exclude the possibility of a
supreme confidence game: that this same President could decide to call
for a popular referendum himself. With the disciplinary period over,
the message to oil investors is also clear, and he could counteract
some of the critics, take over the initiative and call for a
referendum himself, but under his own conditions (and including his
own issues).</font></div>
<div><br></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><b>It's best to avoid debate</b><br>
In addition to these factors, one could also consider a third aspect.
It is truly striking all the costs and criticisms (both national and
international) that were incurred in order to prevent a popular
referendum on the Yasuní. It's that if they had allowed the
referendum, the result would have been uncertain, and I recognize that
it is very possible that the decision to enable oil exploration might
have won out. We cannot forget that the vast majority of voters live
in cities, far from the Amazon, and many of them are more affected and
concerned by their daily subsistence than what is happening in remote
regions of Ecuador, and could possibly be overwhelmed by the
government's media campaign. Despite all this, until now, no one has
taken the risk. Any analysis should not ignore that if a popular
referendum were called, a public debate would be enabled that, even in
the case of a loss, would educate the people, strengthen independent
networks, and perhaps ultimately lead to victory.</font></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><b>Defending extractivism is
regressive</b><br>
Under these conditions appears the fourth, and final, point of these
preliminary hypotheses. Governments cannot dive into far-reaching and
multiple debates on extractivism because from these vantage points,
there are too few arguments to defend it. Present day extractivism is
only possible by reigning in democratic plurality. Few projects would
surpass rigorous environmental and social regulation, as they always
have great environmental impacts and few people in local communities
would agree to sacrifice their lands.<br>
<br>
This issue is more serious for progressive governments, since the vast
majority of extractivist rationale is based on conservative arguments
tied to the market and reinforcing global commercial subordination.
These arguments are therefore contrary to the very essence of the
left.<br>
<br>
All this means that a progressive government, when forced to seriously
discuss its appetite for petroleum or mining, must shed its clothes
and reveal its most intimate mercantile thoughts. Public debates on
oil exploration in the Amazon promoted through public referendum could
raise discussion about issues much more far-reaching than the
government's petroleum strategy. There would rapidly also be
discussion about development, government practices, etc., revealing
their contradictions. And this is something that many progressives
know, and why they avoid going there at all costs.</font><br>
</div>
<div><font color="#000000">In this current state of affairs, economic
interests, the appetite for control, and the fear of being trapped in
ideological contradictions clarifies how progressivism is a process
that is increasingly detached from the left from which it originated.
What just happened concerning oil exploration in the Yasuní is but
one more contribution to this divergence. In the meantime, the future
of the Yasuní remains in question</font></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><i>Eduardo Gudynas is one of South
America's most respected environmental analysts and
activists.</i></font></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><b>See also:</b></font></div>
<div>*************</div>
<div><font color="#0040A1" size="-2"><u><b><a href="http://lalineadefuego.info/2014/04/14/lectura-sobre-el-retorno-del-e" target="_blank">http://lalineadefuego.info/2014/04/14/lectura-sobre-el-retorno-del-e</a><span></span>cuador-al-banco-mundial-por-alberto-acosta/</b></u></font></div>
<div><font face="Georgia" size="-2"><b>LECTURA SOBRE EL RETORNO DEL
ECUADOR AL BANCO MUNDIAL.</b></font></div>
<div><font color="#0000FF" face="Georgia" size="+1"><b>La cuadratura
capitalista del círculo revolucionario</b></font></div>
<div><font face="Georgia" size="-2">POR
ALBERTO ACOSTA</font><font face="Georgia" size="-1"> | <i>
la linea de fuego</i> | 11 Abril 2014</font></div>
<div><font color="#000000"><br></font></div>
<div><i>Available in English translation at:</i><u>
<a href="http://www.upsidedownworld.org/main/index.php" target="_blank">http://www.upsidedownworld.org/main/index.php</a></u></div>
<div><b>A Reading on Ecuador's Return to the World Bank</b></div>
<div><font color="#0000FF" size="+1"><b>The squaring of capitalism in
the revolutionary circle</b></font></div>
<div>by Alberto Acosta,<i> La Línea de Fuego</i>, Tuesday, 06 May
2014, translated by Danica Jorden</div>
</div>
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</font></span></div><span class=""><font color="#888888"><br><br clear="all"><br>-- <br><div dir="ltr"><ol><li><b><font><span></span><font size="1"><span><span>EBook, November 2012:</span> <a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/recovering_internationalism/" target="_blank">Recovering
Internationalism</a>. </span><span><font color="#ff0000">[A compilation of papers from the new millenium. Now free in two download formats]</font></span><span><span><a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/" target="_blank"></span></span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,0,0)"><span></a></span></span><span><span><a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/" target="_blank"></span></span><span style="background-color:rgb(255,0,0)"><span></a></span></span></font></font></b></li>
<li><b><font size="1"><span><span>EBook (co-editor), February 2013: World Social Forum: Critical Explorations <a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/" target="_blank"></font>http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/<font color="#ff0000"> </a></span></span><span><span><br>
</span></span></font></b></li><li><b><font size="1"><span>Interface
Journal<span> Special (co-editor), November 2012:</span> </span><span style="font-weight:normal"><a href="http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/" target="_blank">For the Global Emancipation of Labour</a></span></font></b>
</li><li><b><font size="1"><span lang="NL">Blog:</span><span lang="NL"> <a href="http://www.unionbook.org/profile/peterwaterman." target="_blank">http://www.unionbook.org/profile/peterwaterman.</a>
</span></font></b></li><li><b><font size="1">Interface Journal Special (Co-Editor) Social Movement Internationalisms. <a href="http://www.interfacejournal.net/" target="_blank">See Call for Papers</a>, <font color="#ff0000">(Deadline: May 1, 2014). </font></font></b></li>
<li><b><font size="1"><font color="#ff0000"><a href="http://interfacejournal.nuim.ie/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Interface-1-2-pp255-262-Waterman.pdf" target="_blank"></font></font></span></font><font color="#000000">Needed: a Global Labour Charter Movement<span style="color:rgb(255,0,0)"><font color="#000000"> <font color="#ff0000">(2005-Now!)<br>
</a></font></font></b></li><li><b><font size="1"><font color="#ff0000"><font color="#000000"><a href="http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/under-against-beyond/" target="_blank"><font color="red"><b>MailScanner has detected a possible fraud attempt from "www.into-ebooks.com" claiming to be</b></font> Under, Against, Beyond: Labour and Social Movements Confront a Globalised, Informatised Capitalism </a>(2011) <font color="#ff0000">Almost 1,000 pages of Working Papers, free, from the <a href="tel:1980" value="+661980" target="_blank">1980</a>'s-90's</font>.</font></font></font></b></li>
<li><b><font size="1"><font color="#ff0000"><font color="#000000">Google Scholar Citation Index:</font></font></font></b><br><span style="display:block"> <b><font size="1"><a href="http://scholar.google.com.pe/citations?user=e0e6Qa4AAAAJ" target="_blank">http://scholar.google.com.pe/citations?user=e0e6Qa4AAAAJ</a> </font></b><br>
</span></li></ol><ul><li><table cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr></tr></tbody></table></li></ul><font size="1">
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</div><br><br clear="all"><div><br></div>-- <br><div dir="ltr"><div><b>Please note an intrusion wiped out my inbox on February 8; I have no record of previous communication, proposals, etc ..</b></div><div><br></div>P2P Foundation: <a href="http://p2pfoundation.net" target="_blank">http://p2pfoundation.net</a> - <a href="http://blog.p2pfoundation.net" target="_blank">http://blog.p2pfoundation.net</a> <br>
<br><a href="http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation" target="_blank"></a>Updates: <a href="http://twitter.com/mbauwens" target="_blank">http://twitter.com/mbauwens</a>; <a href="http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens" target="_blank">http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens</a><br>
<br>#82 on the (En)Rich list: <a href="http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/" target="_blank">http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/</a> <br></div>
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