thanks, a very nice summary of the neoliberal agenda!<br><br><div class="gmail_quote">On Sun, Dec 25, 2011 at 6:44 AM, Peter Mazsa <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:peter.mazsa@theunitedpersons.org">peter.mazsa@theunitedpersons.org</a>></span> wrote:<br>
<blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0pt 0pt 0pt 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">FYI:<br>
<br>
"[...] It has been several decades since anyone on the left has been<br>
able to articulate, first, a coherent analysis of what happens to the<br>
structure of advanced societies as they undergo economic change and,<br>
second, a realistic agenda that has any hope of protecting a<br>
middle-class society.<br>
<br>
The main trends in left-wing thought in the last two generations have<br>
been, frankly, disastrous as either conceptual frameworks or tools for<br>
mobilization. Marxism died many years ago, and the few old believers<br>
still around are ready for nursing homes. The academic left replaced<br>
it with postmodernism, multiculturalism, feminism, critical theory,<br>
and a host of other fragmented intellectual trends that are more<br>
cultural than economic in focus. Postmodernism begins with a denial of<br>
the possibility of any master narrative of history or society,<br>
undercutting its own authority as a voice for the majority of citizens<br>
who feel betrayed by their elites. Multiculturalism validates the<br>
victimhood of virtually every out-group. It is impossible to generate<br>
a mass progressive movement on the basis of such a motley coalition:<br>
most of the working- and lower-middle-class citizens victimized by the<br>
system are culturally conservative and would be embarrassed to be seen<br>
in the presence of allies like this.<br>
<br>
Whatever the theoretical justifications underlying the left�s agenda,<br>
its biggest problem is a lack of credibility. Over the past two<br>
generations, the mainstream left has followed a social democratic<br>
program that centers on the state provision of a variety of services,<br>
such as pensions, health care, and education. That model is now<br>
exhausted: welfare states have become big, bureaucratic, and<br>
inflexible; they are often captured by the very organizations that<br>
administer them, through public-sector unions; and, most important,<br>
they are fiscally unsustainable given the aging of populations<br>
virtually everywhere in the developed world. Thus, when existing<br>
social democratic parties come to power, they no longer aspire to be<br>
more than custodians of a welfare state that was created decades ago;<br>
none has a new, exciting agenda around which to rally the masses.<br>
<br>
AN IDEOLOGY OF THE FUTURE<br>
<br>
Imagine, for a moment, an obscure scribbler today in a garret<br>
somewhere trying to outline an ideology of the future that could<br>
provide a realistic path toward a world with healthy middle-class<br>
societies and robust democracies. What would that ideology look like?<br>
<br>
[...] the agenda it put forward to protect middle-class life could not<br>
simply rely on the existing mechanisms of the welfare state. The<br>
ideology would need to somehow redesign the public sector, freeing it<br>
from its dependence on existing stakeholders and using new,<br>
technology-empowered approaches to delivering services. It would have<br>
to argue forthrightly for more redistribution and present a realistic<br>
route to ending interest groups� domination of politics. [...]"<br>
<br>
<a href="http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/136782/francis-fukuyama/the-future-of-history" target="_blank">http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/136782/francis-fukuyama/the-future-of-history</a><br>
<br>
P.<br>
<br>
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