<br><br><div class="gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>From: <b class="gmail_sendername">Dante-Gabryell Monson</b> <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:dante.monson@gmail.com">dante.monson@gmail.com</a>></span><br>
Date: Thu, Oct 20, 2011 at 6:43 PM<br>Subject: Necropolitics of Radiation and the Struggle<br>To: <a href="mailto:econowmix@googlegroups.com">econowmix@googlegroups.com</a><br><br><br><br><br><div class="gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded message ----------<br>
From: <b class="gmail_sendername">Sixteen Beaver</b> <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:lists@16beavergroup.org" target="_blank">lists@16beavergroup.org</a>></span><br>
Date: Thu, Oct 20, 2011 at 1:20 PM<br>Subject: Monday -- 10.24.11 -- Necropolitics of Radiation and the Struggle<br>To: <a href="mailto:generales@16beavergroup.org" target="_blank">generales@16beavergroup.org</a><br><br>
<br><br>
Monday -- 10.24.11 -- �Necropolitics of Radiation and the Struggle<br>
<br>
CONTENTS:<br>
1. About this Monday<br>
2. �Films<br>
3. Participants<br>
4. Suggested Readings<br>
<br>
4.1 Dystopia of Civil Society �/ Part 1 and 2<br>
4.2 �Notes on the 4.5 Great Kamagasaki Oppression and Nuclear Power<br>
Industry 4.3 Must We Rebuild Their Anthill? A Letter to/for Japanese<br>
Comrades 4.4 An Elementary Algebra of Common Goods and Evils<br>
4.5 Soil and Farmers<br>
<br>
5. links<br>
<br>
__________________________________________________<br>
1. About this Monday<br>
<br>
What: Films & Discussion<br>
When: Monday -- 10.24.11 @ 7:00PM<br>
Where: 16 Beaver Street, 4th Floor<br>
Who: Free and open to all<br>
<br>
In many ways, Fukushima remains an unsurpassable and ineffable ghost<br>
haunting today's burgeoning revolts against Wall Street. Unsurpassable in<br>
its invasiveness, intensity, scale, and duration. Ineffable because it<br>
remains an obvious indication of the exceptional state of things in the<br>
midst of this crisis. How one might ask? Well, even the potential<br>
destruction of entire regions, ecologies, habitats and life forms -<br>
outstripping even national borders - does not seem to put a pause on<br>
resuming literally and figuratively 'business as usual.' It is an emblem<br>
of how the exigencies of profit (above all else) act as the central<br>
determining force for the reproduction and organization of entire<br>
societies. In this way, Fukushima continues to remain a missing part of<br>
the puzzle we attempted to put together in our meeting with activists,<br>
organizers, and artists in late July in the lead-up to the general<br>
assemblies and occupations which have spread throughout the US in this<br>
last month.<br>
<br>
Although information has been coming in from Japan since 3/11, there is a<br>
huge gap between what the people in Japan are actually experiencing, doing<br>
and thinking after the Fukushima nuclear accident, and what the people in<br>
the US know and think about it. We are inviting three<br>
intellectuals/activists from Japan, Yoshihiko Ikegami , Chigaya Kinoshita<br>
and Ayumi Goto to share their first hand experiences and thoughts with us<br>
here in the US, and to discuss together the significance of the situation,<br>
the question of our human survival and the global struggles for it.<br>
<br>
We all know that 3/11 is a global event. What has already happened in<br>
Japan is and will be affecting the world over. Firstly there are effects<br>
of radiation that could expand more and more for the years to come, though<br>
they might not be immediately evident. Secondly, Japan sinking into the<br>
abyss has a big impact on the global economy and power relations. Thirdly,<br>
the management of post-nuclear-disaster society is rendered as both a<br>
continuation and new phase of the capitalist regime that is global in<br>
essence. Fourthly, in the regime, being forced to live under radiation (of<br>
varied degrees, forms and extents) is a new misery imposed upon all<br>
creatures on the planet. So it is that 3/11 Fukushima must be an occasion<br>
for all of us to think over the world we have constructed - and ideas for<br>
how we will reconstruct it.<br>
<br>
<br>
__________________________________________________<br>
2. �Films<br>
<br>
At this event, two films will be shown, followed by a public discussion<br>
with Yoshihiko, Chigaya and Ayumi. �Both films deal with sacrifices of<br>
radiation -- one from the bomb and another from labor -- which are<br>
politically and industrially imposed upon the commoners. Together, we<br>
intend to analyze (1) the political and industrial complex of the nuclear<br>
regime, (2) the present state of day-workers working for nuclear industry,<br>
and (3) the rising struggles against the regime.<br>
<br>
Atomic Wounds<br>
Marc Petitjean | 2008 | 54 min.<br>
<br>
At 89, Doctor Hida, a survivor of the 1945 atomic bomb at Hiroshima,<br>
continues to care for some of the other quarter of a million survivors.<br>
Atomic Wounds retraces his dedicated journey and highlights how the<br>
terrible danger of radiation was concealed by successive American<br>
administrations in the 50's - 70's so that nuclear power could be freely<br>
developed, with no concern for public health.<br>
<br>
Nuclear Ginza -Hidden Labor Under Radiation<br>
Nicholas R�hl | 1995 | 30 min.<br>
<br>
The story follows the photojournalist/ anti-nuclear activist Kenji Higuchi<br>
as he exposes the exploitation of the �untouchables� who were pulled out<br>
of the slums of Tokyo and Osaka in order to work while exposed to<br>
radiation, often without their knowledge. Referring to the tacit<br>
cooperation and close ties between the Japanese government and the<br>
country�s nuclear industry, a man notes in one scene that �democracy has<br>
been destroyed where nuclear power stations exist.� The film shows how<br>
Japan, having suffered nuclear attacks in the past, remarkably transformed<br>
itself within a few decades into one of the most �nuclearized� nations<br>
worldwide.<br>
<br>
The two films can be viewed at (but we will use DVD for the screening):<br>
Atomic Wounds <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uxIAVzDvOQY" target="_blank">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uxIAVzDvOQY</a><br>
<br>
Nuclear Ginza (1) <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W_qb0uAc1dg" target="_blank">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W_qb0uAc1dg</a><br>
Nuclear Ginza (2) <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BO_xZW7P8mY" target="_blank">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BO_xZW7P8mY</a><br>
Nuclear Ginza (3) <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GFA-h-_BcWM" target="_blank">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GFA-h-_BcWM</a><br>
<br>
__________________________________________________<br>
3. Participants<br>
<br>
Yoshihiko Ikegami (forrmer editor of Gendashiso, independent writer)<br>
Chigaya Kinoshita (political scientist, activist based in Tokyo)<br>
Ayumi Goto (historian, activist working with day laborer struggles in Osaka)<br>
<br>
Moderator/translator<br>
<<a href="http://jfisssures.org" target="_blank">jfisssures.org</a>> editors: Yuko Tonohira and Sabu Kohso<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
__________________________________________________<br>
4. Suggested Readings<br>
<br>
4.1 Chigaya Kinoshita, Dystopia of Civil Society (Part 1 and 2)<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/09/dystopia-of-civil-society/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/09/dystopia-of-civil-society/</a><br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/05/04/dystopia_of_civil_society_-_part_2/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/05/04/dystopia_of_civil_society_-_part_2/</a><br>
<br>
4.2 Takeshi Haraguchi, Notes on the 4.5 Great Kamagasaki Oppression and<br>
Nuclear Power Industry<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/14/notes-on-the-4-5-great-kamagasaki-oppression-and-nuclear-power-industry/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/14/notes-on-the-4-5-great-kamagasaki-oppression-and-nuclear-power-industry/</a><br>
<br>
4.3 Silvia Federici and George Caffentzis, Must We Rebuild Their Anthill?<br>
A Letter to/for Japanese Comrades<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/22/a-letter-from-silvia-federici-and-george-caffentzis/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/22/a-letter-from-silvia-federici-and-george-caffentzis/</a><br>
<br>
4.4 Ferruccio Gambino, [An] Elementary Algebra of Common Goods and Evils<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/author/ferruccio-gambino/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/author/ferruccio-gambino/</a><br>
<br>
4.5 Yoshihiko Ikegami, Soil and Farmers<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/08/29/soil-and-farmers/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/08/29/soil-and-farmers/</a><br>
<br>
4.6 Jfissures, Editorial 8/15/2011<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/08/15/editorial-8152011/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/08/15/editorial-8152011/</a><br>
<br>
<br>
__________________________________________________<br>
4.1 Dystopia of Civil Society �/ Part 1<br>
<br>
By Chigaya Kinoshita<br>
Published: April 9, 2011<br>
<br>
In his �A Response to Rebecca Solnit,� Yoshihiko Ikegami highly<br>
appreciates A Paradise Built in Hell, and at the same time argues that the<br>
principle of hope inherent in the disaster utopia might not work for the<br>
present situation in Japan, confronting as it is not only natural disaster<br>
by earthquake and tsunami but also nuclear disaster. As he points out,<br>
radiation exposure causes calamities not only on living humans but also<br>
future generations. And nuclear accident deprives us of the place/space<br>
itself where the utopia can come out of disaster. Unfortunately hopes for<br>
recovery drastically diminish here. In the worst case, parts of Fukushima<br>
and Ibaraki prefectures will be no man�s land for an indefinite length of<br>
time. Possibility for a recovery of community is zero in such condition.<br>
Now it must be considered how one can talk about the disaster utopia in<br>
the present situation of Japan in relationship with the previous nuclear<br>
disasters in Ural 1950 and Chernobyl 1980. This is our task.<br>
<br>
However, I think that the difficulty of building a disaster utopia in<br>
Japan is not simply due to the characteristics of nuclear disaster per se<br>
but something else. For instance, some foreign media have repeatedly<br>
praised diligence and order the Japanese people sustained in confrontation<br>
with the critical situation, but at the same time expressed a sense of<br>
oddity that there have been so little critical discourses and actions<br>
being observed there.<br>
<br>
It is not that there have been no resistances, though being scarce. I<br>
shall name a few examples here. The resistance that has been most spoken<br>
about so far among the general public took place in professional baseball.<br>
After 3/11, the home stadium of the Eagles based in the northeast has been<br>
damaged and out of use. In response, the Pacific League to which the<br>
Eagles belong determined to postpone the season until April. But the<br>
Central League whose member teams are centered in Tokyo and Osaka areas<br>
insisted on the determined date of March 25th. The background to this<br>
insistence is problematically interesting. The one who was behind this<br>
coercion was Tsuneo Watanabe, the owner of Yomiuri Newspaper. Once an<br>
agent of CIA in the cold war age, Watanabe played a major role in<br>
introducing nuclear power plant in Japan during the 1950s. (I shall write<br>
a piece about the US/Japan strategy vis-�-vis the introduction of nuclear<br>
power.) The intension of Watanabe to start the season on the predetermined<br>
date was evidently to create an image of successful recovery by shifting<br>
the public attention from the on-going nuclear disaster to the baseball<br>
season. The teams of the Central League followed this decision.<br>
<br>
Meanwhile the union of professional baseball players declared: �it is<br>
nothing but conceit to start a season in this situation,� and its<br>
intention to go on strike. Public opinion largely supported this, and<br>
finally the Central League was forced to delay the season. The union was<br>
able to express their voice under the state of emergency only because it<br>
had a previous experience of all team strike against amalgamation plan in<br>
2004. This strike was a rare example that achieved a wide range of support<br>
from Japanese public who generally hold anti-strike sentiment. At that<br>
time as well, the main enemy of the players was Watanabe, and the axis of<br>
opposition has returned in the current dispute, with repeated success in<br>
establishing a commonsense with the public. Such was the motive drive for<br>
the radical response of the players.<br>
<br>
Another example is the struggle of Ohta Kinoshita, the former news desk of<br>
Nippon Television Network. He was the one who reported the critical<br>
accident at Tokaimura Nuclear power Plant in 1999. At the wake of 3/11, he<br>
gave up his post at the TV station, and began a blog<br>
<<a href="http://twitter.com/KinositaKouta" target="_blank">http://twitter.com/KinositaKouta</a>> to propagate the danger of nuclear<br>
energy. With his profound criticism of Japan�s mass media that is<br>
spreading ungrounded optimistic views, and resisting accusations against<br>
himself being escapist and traitor, he persists in his critical conviction<br>
by giving up his high salary job.<br>
<br>
There are lineages of such oppositional spirit in Japan that are not<br>
familiar for foreign media, but they are unfortunately very rare.<br>
<br>
At the wake of 3/11, the transportation system and infra-structure of<br>
Tokyo were plunged into chaos. All workers had difficulties in<br>
commutation. Foreign owned enterprises announced to their employees that<br>
they did not have to come in for work. It is said that foreign workers did<br>
not come following the reasonable recommendation, but alas! Japanese<br>
workers came to work by making tremendous effort to reach the metropolis.<br>
<br>
There are more examples like this, say, of conformism. Fukushima<br>
University is in Fukushima City, located within 60 KM radius of the power<br>
plant, where radiation is detected well over the standard measure. The<br>
university dares to resume its courses in May. The president issued a<br>
declaration that sounded nothing but a self-enlightenment; the<br>
administration ignored the objection of some faculties and accused as<br>
traitors those who refuged outside the prefecture; to the students it<br>
vaguely suggested that they go home when the government issues the order<br>
of standing by at home. The resumption of courses in coming May will<br>
inexorably bind all students and all university workers. The<br>
administration has no concern about the lives and well being of the<br>
students and workers; it just seeks to carry out its everyday business,<br>
blindly obeying the order of the Ministry of Education.<br>
<br>
While the disaster of the nuclear accident is getting worse and worse<br>
everyday, Japanese society is held tight by such conformism. Observing<br>
this, many of us immediately think of the total war mobilization during<br>
the Pacific War. They might associate Fukushima University with Kamikaze<br>
attack, or they might find it as derivative of the traditional<br>
characteristics of diligence and submission. Stereotypically this can be<br>
deemed the nature of nationalism of Japan-type.<br>
<br>
However, it is my contention that the basis of the present conformism is<br>
not there. Foreign media have been reporting also about the insufficiency<br>
and incapacity of the Japanese government in terms of emergency measures<br>
and information disclosure. What is at stake here is a question of<br>
Japanese civil society that approves of such problematic governance. I<br>
think that the problem exists not in nationalism but the structure of the<br>
civil society. The present conformism must be analyzed from the vantage<br>
point of class struggle within Japanese society after the high economic<br>
growth of the 1960s, where the civil society has come to be dominated by<br>
capital, while its class nature has been made invisible within the civil<br>
society.<br>
<br>
A clue to approach this issue is �the death by overwork [karoshi].� This<br>
internationally circulated term signified a serious social problem during<br>
the 1980s when Japan was celebrating the bubble economy. After having<br>
overcome a strong yen in the mid 80s, Japan�s economy began to enjoy<br>
prosperity since 1986. In consequence, the sense that Japanese are rich<br>
and the society is wealthy generally spread. On the other hand, however,<br>
also generalized was the image of the Japanese as working bees, based upon<br>
the fact that the workers work intensely for long hours. The incredibly<br>
speedy economic growth and karoshi both indicated an abnormality that<br>
derived from a same root. Here I would like to pay attention to the fact<br>
that the Japanese workers were not mobilized and driven by such external<br>
coercion as the state of total war. Workers would not likely work so hard<br>
and long as to reach karoshi by an external coercion. Karoshi became a<br>
wide social problem only because of the existing structure in which the<br>
workers voluntarily devoted themselves to their companies to the extreme.<br>
<br>
I doubt that this structure is derivative of the tradition and convention<br>
inherent in Japanese society. At the end of the Pacific War, from the<br>
1940s through the 60s, there was a powerful labor movement. Up until the<br>
mid 1970s, strikes and street actions were part of the everyday landscape.<br>
Thereafter, however, strikes drastically plunged and the industrial<br>
actions of labor unions fell to the bottom. Be it white-collar or<br>
blue-collar, as the workers lost their class-consciousness, they came to<br>
identify themselves dominantly with their companies. Despite the increase<br>
of working populations under the high economic growth, the rule of<br>
conservative LDP lasted for such a long time, because the working class<br>
supported it instead of the Japan socialist Party or the Japan Communist<br>
Party that tended to social democracy. In this manner, the myth of the<br>
Japanese being obedient and diligent got fixed only during these forty<br>
years.<br>
<br>
A work-centrism grasped the entire society under the directive of capital;<br>
autonomy was totally lost in domains of everyday life and culture; the<br>
view of life was homogenized under the idea of company=citizenship, based<br>
upon the principle of competition among individuals. These broad senses of<br>
everyday life were created after the defeat of class struggle, which are<br>
the very disciplines that would not allow resistance, disobedience, and<br>
exodus at this moment.<br>
<br>
Certainly the enduring recession that began in the 1990s and the abuses of<br>
neoliberal reforms leveled the economic basis for creating and sustaining<br>
the everyday senses of Japan�s civil society. At the moment, however, the<br>
collapse of economic basis have not yet triggered the willingness of the<br>
people to look for an alternative, but are rather spurring on the tendency<br>
to compete their submission even harder for survival. Now what is<br>
grounding Japan�s conformism is a delusive obsession: �if I am kicked out<br>
from my job, my everyday life, I won�t be able to come back.� On top of<br>
that, as people are confronting threats of radiation that is invisible and<br>
may produce long-term effects as opposed to immediate, this prolonged<br>
state of crisis is reinforcing the structure of Japan�s corporate-civil<br>
society.<br>
<br>
I am aware that the actual difficulties of Japanese society cannot be<br>
reduced only to the problematic of class. Its nationalism should be shed<br>
light on in itself. There are many more moments to be scrutinized in<br>
relationship with Japan�s crisis: i.e., globalization, neoliberalism,<br>
disaster capitalism, empire and the US, correspondence or mirroring with<br>
the revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa, whereabouts of social<br>
movements, etc. What I wanted to clarify in this short piece were that the<br>
present crisis is rooted in the way of Japanese modernity; and that Japan<br>
is confronting a tremendous social and political shift that cannot be<br>
spoken of, without rethinking its past and present in their entirety. Now<br>
in spite of its superficial tranquility, Japanese society is about to be<br>
losing its coherence of past-present-future and torn apart into pieces.<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
__________________________________________________<br>
4.1 Dystopia of Civil Society � / Part 2<br>
<br>
By Chigaya Kinoshita<br>
Published: May 4, 2011<br>
<br>
Silvia Federici and George Caffentzis�s �Must we Rebuilt their Anthill?�<br>
is very rich in suggestions, and includes indicators to Japan�s present<br>
and future as well as showing an important direction for the re-posing of<br>
the question of the relationship between Japanese capitalism and society.<br>
Until a little while ago I had planned to write a response to their<br>
suggestions. But at present, there is an urgent need to talk about the<br>
ugly aspects of Japanese civil society that are rapidly spreading before<br>
our eyes.<br>
<br>
On April 16th, the Ministry of Education reestablished the yearly limit<br>
for radiation exposure for children at 20 millisieverts. The yearly limit<br>
up to this point had been one millisievert, and even the �Nuclear Safety<br>
Committee,� a collection of academics working in the service of the<br>
government, had announced that 10 millisieverts was the highest that this<br>
limit should go. Nevertheless, the limit was raised by twenty times at<br>
once. In short, this aimed to get the schools in Fukushima Prefecture open<br>
on schedule as usual, and in fact, even in areas where Greenpeace surveys<br>
have found radiation levels that are not innocuous, children are going to<br>
school �like usual.�<br>
<br>
A survey conducted recently by a citizen�s group found radioactive<br>
material, in trace amounts, in the breast milk of mothers not only in<br>
Fukushima but also Ibaraki and Chiba prefectures, far away from the<br>
reactor. (In response to this survey, the Vice-Governor of Tokyo, Naoki<br>
Inose, made the ugly remark that they should �not stir up excessive worry<br>
and the housewives should get back to work right now.�) The radioactive<br>
pollution of Fukushima prefecture is getting considerably worse each day<br>
and there is a crisis situation where the health of children who are the<br>
most sensitive to radioactive material is concerned. But in response the<br>
government and Fukushima Prefecture do nothing but preach safety and are<br>
not attempting to take concrete measures. At any rate, Yoshihiko Ikegami<br>
can argue this point on this blog. What I would like to take up here is<br>
the appearance of �an exterior,� ugly civil society outside Fukushima<br>
prefecture.<br>
<br>
Right now there are two reactions to the people of Fukushima Prefecture in<br>
the �exterior� civil society that would initially appear to be completely<br>
opposed.<br>
<br>
One is the �Let�s go, Fukushima!� reaction, specifically an organized<br>
campaign saying �Fukushima is suffering from reputation damage, let�s buy<br>
its vegetables and products.� It is very widely said that one should buy<br>
things, and eat things, from Fukushima.<br>
<br>
The other reaction is a form of discrimination directed towards those who<br>
have been evacuated out of Fukushima. There is the beginning of harassment<br>
and bullying of students from Fukushima who have transferred to schools in<br>
other prefectures. Cars with license plates from Fukushima are being<br>
denied service at gas stations, and people from Fukushima are being denied<br>
lodging at hotels.<br>
<br>
These two reactions initially look like complete opposites of each other<br>
in the sense that the former appears as �good intentions� and the latter<br>
appears as �bad intentions.� In reality the two complement each other and<br>
function as a quarantine by �containing� the people of Fukushima inside<br>
the area exposed to radiation. And these two reactions are bound together<br>
through the discourse of �reputation damage.�<br>
<br>
In this context, �reputation damage� connotes that �even though it�s safe,<br>
rumors are being spread that it�s pretty dangerous, and as a result people<br>
in Fukushima are taking damage to their livelihood and business.� Of<br>
course, the problem is with a nuclear reactor and the situation is<br>
dangerous. But this fact is of no real importance. When the danger level<br>
at the Fukushima reactor was raised to 7, a television commentator made<br>
the following statement: �With a level 7 nuclear accident, reputation is a<br>
concern.� This discourse, which we might as well call Kafkaesque<br>
absurdity, is unchecked in Japan today and is a matter of course.<br>
<br>
That agricultural products and seafood from the area of Fukushima<br>
Prefecture are in danger is already a matter of course. Most agricultural<br>
products and small fish originating in Fukushima prefecture are already<br>
blocked from shipment. This also means that a danger is closing in on the<br>
people in Fukushima who live off of this basis in the soil, and use this<br>
water.<br>
<br>
But, nevertheless, citizens outside of Fukushima might as well be saying<br>
this: �Let�s go, people of Fukushima! Don�t give in to reputation damage:<br>
we�ll buy your products!� while at the same time saying �this business of<br>
�danger, danger� is a lie! Humans of Fukushima, calm down and (however bad<br>
it gets) live your lives with restraint, and work diligently.� However, in<br>
actuality, most citizens outside of Fukushima Prefecture are conscious<br>
that something dangerous is happening. In other words, a distinction is<br>
being made between outward appearances and inward feelings. And the<br>
ugliest appearance of inward feelings here is in the problem of<br>
discrimination.<br>
<br>
As for discrimination, most of the media is rephrasing this undeniable<br>
discrimination in terms of �reputation damage.� To quote a television news<br>
headline, for example, �Evacuees from Fukushima Suffer Scientifically<br>
Baseless Reputation Damage.� This definition of reputation damage is a<br>
means of shifting the discourse, so as to say, �the problem isn�t with the<br>
government and TEPCO, who created the problem, but with the guys who are<br>
fanning the flames about danger,� and in the case of individuals and<br>
companies which are practicing discrimination, the tacit suggestion is<br>
made that �they aren�t discriminating, the problem is with believing wrong<br>
information, and if we believe the government, as is correct,<br>
discrimination will disappear.� And if one believes the government, there<br>
isn�t any need for an evacuation or anything of the kind. In brief, the<br>
message is: �Stay in Fukushima.�<br>
<br>
In my previous essay, �Dystopia of Civil Society, Part 1,� I argued that<br>
the strength of Japanese conformism originates not in tradition but the<br>
force of discipline in a civil society that has been brought into being by<br>
the logic of capital. In the present, a month and a half after 3/11,<br>
Fukushima is being positioned in the �outside� of civil society. What is<br>
being positioned in the space between it and its outside is not a material<br>
wall. It is the wall of �primary responsibility for oneself.� Who can flee<br>
when they are told, �Fukushima is perfectly safe, but if you want to flee,<br>
go ahead. But we won�t make any guarantees, and we have no idea what will<br>
happen to you afterwards?� Can you imagine the true repressive nature of a<br>
civil society that states in chorus �Let�s Go! Try harder!� to the people<br>
in Fukushima who are struck with anxiety and conflict while at the same<br>
time whispering under its breath, trying not to get involved, �but don�t<br>
disturb our everyday lives?� If you can�t, you would do well to imagine<br>
New York financial brokers gulping down Prozac while staring at the<br>
uncontrolled fall in California energy prices on their computers, yelling<br>
�Let�s Go!� while deciding, �But also there�s no way our electricity is<br>
going to be cut off.�<br>
<br>
Still, the disaster has only been going for a month and a half (and what a<br>
long month and a half it has been�) It will take at the very shortest a<br>
year and at the longest will continue for decades. And it is fully<br>
possible that the situation will get worse. The situation is still in the<br>
process of unfolding, and while it does not show an accomplished form of<br>
control with fixed norms and ideals, but rather a situation that is moving<br>
along pragmatically along with changes in the balance of power, the<br>
picture drawn of civil society here is of an ugly civil society. But at<br>
the same time, a current among farmers, fishermen, and the participants in<br>
and sympathizers with the 15,000-person demonstration, which Mouri<br>
Takayoshi reports on in this blog, one that takes aim at the �real enemy,�<br>
is growing stronger in the media and public opinion. But, Fukushima cannot<br>
be saved by this alone. This is where we stand now.<br>
<br>
Translation by Max Black<br>
<br>
to read further and for Original text in Japanese please go to �<br>
<br>
Chigaya Kinoshita, Dystopia of Civil Society (Part 1 and 2)<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/09/dystopia-of-civil-society/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/09/dystopia-of-civil-society/</a><br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/05/04/dystopia_of_civil_society_-_part_2/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/05/04/dystopia_of_civil_society_-_part_2/</a><br>
<br>
<br>
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4.2 �Notes on the 4.5 Great Kamagasaki Oppression and Nuclear Power Industry<br>
<br>
By Takeshi Haraguchi,<br>
Published: April 14, 2011<br>
<br>
On April 5, 2011, Kamagasaki in Osaka suffered the largest case of<br>
oppression in recent years. Osaka Prefectural Police arrested 6 activists<br>
(and 2 more in the following few days) who were engaged in the struggle in<br>
Kamagasaki, and raided at least 14 places around the city.<br>
<br>
The occasion of this oppression dates back to 2007. In Kamagasaki, many<br>
day laborers, who hop around cheap lodging houses and bunkhouses as well<br>
as those who can�t afford these facilities, kept their registration of<br>
residency at the addresses of support organizations in and around the<br>
neighborhood. However, in 2007, Osaka City abolished residency certificate<br>
of all day laborers who were using the addresses of three support<br>
organizations such as Kamagasaki Release Center. Day laborers, who often<br>
suffer rejection from basic human rights, were now without certificate of<br>
residency hence without the right to vote. As a protest against this<br>
reckless act by the city, outside a voting station during the House of<br>
Representatives election-day in July 2010, supporters of Kamagasaki<br>
communities and day laborers themselves took an action to stand against<br>
this human rights violation. On April 5th 2011, the City attacked<br>
individuals and groups associated with the protest from the previous year,<br>
as a preventive oppression to keep them from voicing their demands at<br>
then-upcoming general regional election on April 10, 2011.<br>
<br>
We ought to take this 4.5 Great Kamagasaki Oppression as an incident that<br>
differs from other forms of oppressions against human rights, considering<br>
the particular characteristics of Kamagasaki. Since this has a direct link<br>
to the situation with nuclear power plants after 3.11. I would like to<br>
note crucial points in relating 3.11 and the Kamagasaki incident.<br>
<br>
Workers in Yoseba (day laborers� community) like Kamagasaki in Osaka and<br>
Sanya in Tokyo have always been a vital labor power at constructions and<br>
various industrial works. Highways, high-rise buildings and dams would not<br>
be built without the work force coming from the day laborers� communities.<br>
Who else could have built the site of Osaka World Expo of 1970, for<br>
instance?<br>
<br>
However, facts of their labors and efforts are hidden in the shadow and<br>
forgotten. Away from the eye of the general public, in the places hidden<br>
from social consciousness, day laborers have burdened themselves with the<br>
works nobody else would want to do. And one of the works they took was no<br>
other than the radiation labor at nuclear power plants. In �The Reality of<br>
Radiation Workers at Nuclear Power Plants� [original at<br>
<a href="http://san-ya.at.webry.info/201103/article_11.html" target="_blank">http://san-ya.at.webry.info/201103/article_11.html</a>], there is a series of<br>
testimonies by nuclear plant workers from Sanya in Tokyo. The text records<br>
the straight-up voice of a worker who was recruited without much<br>
explanations of radiation by his employer, taken to the site with no sense<br>
of fear, eventually his body eaten up with diseases, and even lost a<br>
friend of his for leukemia. Precisely like Kamagasaki was necessary for<br>
the success of the World Expo, day laborers� sacrifice was necessary in<br>
order to maintain the cursed apparatus called nuclear power plant.<br>
<br>
And now countless number of workers are brought out for the ever ominous<br>
labor at the Fukushima Power Plant. It�s not certain whether the workers<br>
are from day laborers� communities or elsewhere. But the workers at the<br>
plant are definitely under, not just similar but, totally the same<br>
condition as the typical lives of day laborer�s.<br>
<br>
Today�s Kamagasaki workers might be sent to power plants tomorrow, and<br>
today�s Fukusima workers might wind up living the lives of Kamagasaki<br>
day-workers tomorrow. The oppression on Kamagasaki equals the oppression<br>
on all the workers who are at work in nuclear plants and who are going to<br>
be sent there in coming days.<br>
<br>
One of the targets in the police raid on 4/5 was a space of a documentary<br>
film collective. This frankly reveals what the authority fears and<br>
attempts to destroy all methods of recording, expressing and conveying the<br>
facts.<br>
<br>
Here we shall recall the 24th Kamagasaki Riot in June 2008. Since the<br>
1990&#8242;s, Kamagasaki has suffered the shrinkage of job market and<br>
transformed from �the town of the laborers� into �the town of the<br>
unemployed.� During this period, especially after the 23rd riot in 1992,<br>
the fire of riots turned into the legend of the past. Therefore the 2008<br>
riot surprised all of those who were involved in Kamagasaki. And most<br>
importantly, many young workers joined the insurrection. In response to<br>
the 2008 riot, I have written as follows:<br>
<br>
The riot of 2008 taught us that the fury of the day-workers � though the<br>
majority of whom are now unemployed � has never disappeared. Furthermore,<br>
many young people participated in the riot. Which means that they<br>
rediscovered the place to express their own fury in Kamagasaki, the<br>
sanctuary of riot, that inscribes the history of militant struggle. While<br>
the older day-workers and the younger precariats confronted the riot squad<br>
together, the method of expressing fury was bequeathed from one generation<br>
to another.<br>
<br>
The most important lesson from this insurrection is that in the city of<br>
Osaka dwelling latently yet certainly is the fury of the oppressed people,<br>
which could explode whenever the opportunity comes. The expression of the<br>
fury could speak in any possible ways � not only in Kamagasaki but also in<br>
any urban space. It is imminent that the whirlpool of rebellion detonates<br>
everywhere. (From �Kamagasaki: A Geo-History of Rebellion� by the author)<br>
<br>
Documentary films potentially play a crucial role in conveying expressions<br>
of anger into various ends. Now the role has become even more important in<br>
the aftermath of 3.11, as foundation of anger is widely spreading around<br>
the issues of nuclear power. Therefore this role of expression � the film<br>
collective � became an immediate target at the 4.5 Great Kamagasaki<br>
Oppression � I cannot help but believe so. If this is the case, to record,<br>
express, and convey are on the foremost line of the struggles in<br>
Kamagasaki as well as against nuclear plants. The 4.5 raid was an<br>
oppression not only on day laborers, but also on all of those who create<br>
forms of expressions as messengers of struggle.<br>
<br>
[supplements]<br>
<br>
Kamagasaki is a small section of town in Osaka in which approximately<br>
20,000 to 30,000 day laborers live. When the town had the largest<br>
population, well over 200 cheap lodging houses stood side by side, in<br>
which many day laborers lived. Such day laborers� communities exist in<br>
every larger city such as Sanya in Tokyo, Kotobukicho in Yokohama, and<br>
Sasajima in Nagoya, and they are typically called Yoseba (laborer�s<br>
community).<br>
<br>
Yoseba did not come into existence spontanieously, but they were a product<br>
of capital and the nation-state, for their own necessities. In order to<br>
successfully construct the site of 1970 World Expo in Osaka, the Japanese<br>
government reportedly hired a large number of young workers from all over<br>
Japan to work at construction sites. To ensure as many useful and cheap<br>
work forces as possible, the government turned Kamagasaki into a<br>
concentrated day laborers ghetto in the late �60s. Since then Kamagasaki<br>
has been used by capital as a main site of labor power for the lowest<br>
paying jobs like construction and other industries. Then the capital has<br>
also left many to live on and die on the street.<br>
<br>
Yoseba has always been a stage to voice our demands to the nation-state<br>
and capital, as well as a base for resistance. The most important action<br>
of Kamagasaki resistance has been insurrection. August 1st in 1961,<br>
following a car incident that killed a day laborer whose body was left on<br>
the street without proper attention of the local police, the first<br>
Kamagasaki riot began. There have been 24 major riots there since.<br>
<br>
to read further and for Original text in Japanese please go to �<br>
<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/14/notes-on-the-4-5-great-kamagasaki-oppression-and-nuclear-power-industry/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/14/notes-on-the-4-5-great-kamagasaki-oppression-and-nuclear-power-industry/</a><br>
<br>
<br>
__________________________________________________<br>
4.3 Must We Rebuild Their Anthill?<br>
A Letter to/for Japanese Comrades<br>
<br>
By Silvia Federici and George Caffentzis<br>
Published: April 22, 2011<br>
<br>
Dear comrades,<br>
<br>
We are writing to express to you our solidarity at a time when the pain<br>
for those who have died or have disappeared is still raw, and the task of<br>
reshaping of life out of the immense wreckage caused by the earthquake,<br>
the tsunami and the nuclear reactor meltdowns must appear unimaginable. We<br>
also write to think together with you what this moment marked by the most<br>
horrific nuclear disaster yet in history signifies for our future, for the<br>
politics of anti-capitalist social movements, as well as the fundamentals<br>
of everyday reproduction.<br>
<br>
Concerning our future and the politics of anti-capitalist movements, one<br>
thing is sure. The present situation in Japan is potentially more damaging<br>
to people�s confidence in capitalism than any disaster in the<br>
�under-developed� world and certainly far more damaging than the previous<br>
exemplar of nuclear catastrophe, Chernobyl. �For none of the exonerating<br>
excuses or explanations commonly flagged in front of man-made disasters<br>
can apply in this case. �Famines in Africa can be blamed, however wrongly,<br>
on the lack of capital and technological �know how,� i.e., they can be<br>
blamed on the lack of development, while the Chernobyl accident can be<br>
attributed to the technocratic megalomania bred in centrally-planned<br>
socialist societies. But neither underdevelopment nor socialism can be<br>
used to explain a disaster in 21st century Japan that has the world�s<br>
third largest capitalist economy and the most technologically<br>
sophisticated infrastructure on the planet. The consequences of the<br>
earthquake, the tsunami and, most fatefully, the damaged nuclear reactors<br>
can hardly be blamed on the lack of capitalist development. On the<br>
contrary, they are the clearest evidence that high tech capitalism does<br>
not protect us against catastrophes, and it only intensifies their threat<br>
to human life while blocking any escape route. This is why the events in<br>
Japan are potentially so threatening and so de-legitimizing for the<br>
international capitalist power-structure. For the chain of meltdowns<br>
feared or actually occurring stands as a concrete embodiment of what<br>
capitalism has in store for us �an embodiment of the dangers to which we<br>
are being exposed with total disregard of our well-being, and what we can<br>
expect in our future, as from China to the US and beyond, country after<br>
country is planning to multiply its nuclear plants.<br>
<br>
This is also why so much is done, at least in the US, to minimize the<br>
severity of the situation evolving in and around the Fukushima Daiichi<br>
plants and to place the dramatic developments daily unfolding in and out<br>
of the plants out of sight.<br>
<br>
Company men and politicians are aware that the disaster at Fukushima is<br>
tremendous blow to the legitimacy of nuclear power and in a way the<br>
legitimacy of capitalist production. A tremendous ideological campaign is<br>
under way to make sure that it does not become the occasion for a global<br>
revolt against nuclear power and more important for a process of<br>
revolutionary change. The fact that the nuclear disaster in Japan is<br>
taking place in concomitance with the spreading of insurrectional<br>
movements throughout the oil regions of North Africa and the Middle East<br>
undoubtedly adds to the determination to establish against all evidence<br>
that everything is under control. But we know that nothing is further from<br>
the truth, and that what we are witnessing is the deepening crisis, indeed<br>
the proof of the �unsustainability� of the energy sector � since the �70s<br>
the leading capitalist sector� in its two main articulations: nuclear and<br>
oil.<br>
<br>
We think it helps, then, in considering this crisis, to think the<br>
Fukushima disaster together with different scenarios that, in their<br>
representation on the US evening news seem to have nothing in common with<br>
it and with each other.<br>
<br>
*Libya: where NATO and the UN are collaborating with Ghedaffi in the<br>
destruction of a rebellious youth whose demands for better living<br>
conditions and more freedom may jeopardize the regular flow of oil.<br>
<br>
*Ivory Coast: where French, UN and Africom (the US military command<br>
devoted to Africa) troops have joined ranks to install a World Bank<br>
official, handpicked by the EU, to clearly gain control of West Africa�s<br>
most important country after Nigeria and create a solid Africom-powered<br>
bridge connecting the Nigerian, to the Algerian and Chadian oilfields.<br>
<br>
*Baharain: where Saudi Arabian troops are brought in to slaughter<br>
pro-democracy demonstrators.<br>
<br>
Viewed, in this context, the threat the disaster at Fukushima poses to<br>
international capital is not that thousands of people may develop cancer,<br>
leukemia, loose their homes, loose their sources of livelihood, see their<br>
lands and waters contaminated for thousands of years. �The danger is that<br>
�caving in� in front of popular mobilizations, governments will institute<br>
new regulations, scrap plans for more nuclear plants construction and, in<br>
the aftermath, nuclear stocks will fall and one of the main sources of<br>
capital accumulation will be severely compromised for decades to come.<br>
These concerns explain not only the chorus of shameless declarations we<br>
heard in recent weeks (bouncing from Paris and Rome to Washington) to the<br>
effect that the path to nuclear power is one with no return, but also the<br>
lack of any international logistic support for the populations living in<br>
the proximity of the melting reactors. �Where are the planes carrying<br>
food, medicines, blankets? Where are the doctors, the nurses, and<br>
engineers? Where is the United Nations that is so readily fighting in<br>
Ivory Coast? �We do not need to ask. Clearly, as far as the EU/US are<br>
concerned, the guideline is that everything must be done to prevent this<br>
nuclear disaster from sinking into the consciousness of people and trigger<br>
a worldwide revulsion against nuclear power and against those who<br>
knowingly have exposed so many to its dangers.<br>
<br>
There is also something else however in the response of the world<br>
politicians to this juncture. �What we are witnessing, most dramatically,<br>
in the response to the tsunami and nuclear disaster in Japan, especially<br>
in the US, is the beginning of an era in which capitalism is dropping any<br>
humanitarian pretense and refusing any commitment to the protection of<br>
human life. �Not only, just one month after its inception, the catastrophe<br>
that is still unfolding in Japan is already being pushed to a corner of<br>
the evening news in the same way as nothing is any longer said about the<br>
oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. We are also repeatedly informed that<br>
catastrophes are inevitable, that no energy path is safe, that disasters<br>
are something to be learnt from, not a cause for retreat, and, to top it<br>
off, that not all is negative, after all, Tokyo�s troubles are Osaka�s<br>
gain!<br>
<br>
This is the same doctrine that today we are dished out in debates on the<br>
financial crisis. Financial experts now all agree that it is impossible to<br>
prevent major economic crises, because, however clever government<br>
regulations may be, bankers can elude them. As Paul Romer, a finance<br>
professor in Stamford University, put in a New York Times interview<br>
(3/11/2011): �Every decade or so, any finite system of financial<br>
regulation will lead to systemic financial crisis.� That is, those of us<br>
who are on pensions or have a few savings or have taken out a mortgage<br>
must prepare for periodic losses and there is nothing that can be done<br>
about it!<br>
<br>
What we see, then, today in Japan, is the moment of truth of a world<br>
capitalist system that, after five centuries of exploitation of millions<br>
across the planet, and after endless litanies on the fact that science<br>
opens a path of constant perfectibility of the human race, has decided<br>
that it is not their business to offer solutions to any major human<br>
problem, obviously convinced that we have become so identified with<br>
capital, and have so lost the will and capacity to construct an<br>
alternative to it, that we will not be able to prise its future apart from<br>
ours even after it has demonstrated to be totally destructive of our<br>
lives. � We are reminded here of the response that Mr. Chipman, an<br>
official of the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), gave when<br>
asked, thirty years ago, if �American institutions� would survive an<br>
all-out nuclear war with the Soviet Union. �I think -�he replied� they<br>
would, eventually, yeah. As I say, the ants eventually build another<br>
anthill.�<br>
<br>
We think is our task to prove Mr. Chipman wrong �to prove that we will not<br>
be like the mindless laborious ants who mechanically reconstruct their<br>
hill not matter how many times it is destroyed.<br>
<br>
We believe it will be a major political disaster if in the months to come<br>
we will see business as usual prevail, and the surge of a broad global<br>
movement protesting what has been done to the people of Japan and to us<br>
all as the current will bring to our shore the radioactivity leaking from<br>
the unraveling plants.<br>
<br>
We are concerned however that a mobilization in response to the disaster<br>
in Japan should not be limited to demanding that no more nuclear plants be<br>
constructed and those in existence be dismantled, nor that more investment<br>
be directed to the development of �clean energy� technology. Undoubtedly,<br>
the Fukushima meltdowns must be the spark for a worldwide anti-nuclear<br>
movement. But we think, judging also from our experience in the aftermath<br>
of the disaster at Three Mile Island, that this movement will not have any<br>
hope of success if the struggle to eliminate nuclear plants or against the<br>
existence of nuclear armaments, is approached in the narrow manner<br>
characteristic of the anti-nuclear movement of the 1980s, if approached,<br>
that is, as a special issue, according to the argument that if we do not<br>
eliminate first nuclear power we will not be around to deal with other<br>
issues. This, we believe, is a short-sighted argument, as death, genocide<br>
and the ecological destruction of the environment come in many forms.<br>
Indeed, rather than as exceptions we should see the proposed proliferation<br>
of nuclear plants and the callous indifference demonstrated by world<br>
politicians to the possible destruction of million of lives under a<br>
nuclear regime as symptomatic of a whole relation to capital and the state<br>
that is the real threat to people across the planet.<br>
<br>
What we need is to approach the question of nuclear power as the prism<br>
through which to read our present relation to capital and bring our<br>
different struggles and forms of resistance together. Short of that, our<br>
political activities will remain powerless, separated and fragmented like<br>
the reports about Libya, Ivory Coast and Japan on the networks� evening<br>
news.<br>
<br>
A first step in this direction is to establish that Nuclear Power has<br>
nothing to do with energy needs, in the same way as nuclear arms<br>
proliferation had nothing to do with the alleged threat posed by<br>
communism. Nuclear power is not just an energy form, it a specific form of<br>
capital accumulation and social control enabling capital to centralize the<br>
extraction of surplus labor, police the movements of millions of people,<br>
and achieve regional or global hegemony through the threat of<br>
annihilation. One of its main objectives is pre/empting resistance,<br>
generating the kind of docility and passivity that we have witnessed in<br>
response to such capital-made disasters as Katrina, Haiti and today Japan,<br>
and that in the past enabled the French and US governments to explode<br>
hundreds of atomic bombs in open air and underground tests in the Pacific<br>
and use entire population from the Marshall Islands to Tahiti, as guinea<br>
pigs.<br>
<br>
Nuclear power, therefore, can only be destroyed when social movements come<br>
into existence that treat it politically, not only as a destructive form<br>
of energy but as a strategy of accumulation and terror� a means of<br>
devaluation of our lives� and place it on a continuum with the struggle<br>
against the use of the �financial crisis,� or against the cuts to<br>
healthcare and education. To this program, those of us who live in the US<br>
must add the demand for reparations for the descendants of the people who<br>
have been the victims of US nuclear bombs and nuclear tests. For our<br>
struggle must revive the memory of the crimes that have been committed in<br>
the past through the use of nuclear power beginning with Hiroshima and<br>
Nagasaki.<br>
<br>
For with memory comes the demand for justice.<br>
<br>
In solidarity,<br>
<br>
Silvia and George<br>
<br>
to read further and for text in Japanese please go to �<br>
<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/22/a-letter-from-silvia-federici-and-george-caffentzis/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/04/22/a-letter-from-silvia-federici-and-george-caffentzis/</a><br>
<br>
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4.4 An Elementary Algebra of Common Goods and Evils<br>
<br>
By Ferruccio Gambino<br>
Published: August 21, 2011<br>
<br>
(Translated by George Caffentzis)*<br>
<br>
1. Capitalism has used an elementary algebra of common goods and evils<br>
even before understanding and conceptualizing the meaning of common goods<br>
and evils. Once upon a time it used to be said that capital is for the<br>
socialization of losses and the privatization of profits. However, in some<br>
sectors, multiple advantages � of both profit and rent � are joined<br>
together in a perverse way with commonized evils. The nuclear sector<br>
provides an especially clear example of this phenomenon.<br>
<br>
1.1 Water, wind, air and quite a few other elements of this planet, where<br>
350 seismic tremors a day are recorded, are common goods as long as they<br>
are not polluted. When they are polluted, the goods leave a trail of<br>
remarkable disadvantages to all living creatures, and therefore become<br>
common evils. In order to become again common goods, the different<br>
polluted elements have to be �de�polluted, if it is possible. Only if and<br>
when they are reclaimed is it possible to turn them into common goods<br>
again. Water in general is a common good, but radioactive water released<br>
from a nuclear reactor after a meltdown is not any longer a common good,<br>
it is a common disaster, an evil coercively commonized and as such it is<br>
imposed upon society. Public and private authorities discharge damage on<br>
the entire surrounding population in an indeterminate (and often<br>
indeterminable) range with such a damaged plant.<br>
<br>
1.2 Within the spectrum of industrial activity, the transformation of<br>
common goods into common evils is most evident in the case of nuclear<br>
power. Contrary to other sectors, the birth and expansion of the nuclear<br>
military was financed by state�s treasury, most especially in the US, but<br>
also in the USSR and other countries since the end of the 1930s (and for a<br>
long time) mainly for war purposes. Although the physicist Enrico Fermi<br>
was then of the opinion that nuclear energy is a wonderful new form of<br>
energy, even in the 1940s it should have been possible to ask why the push<br>
to develop it was above all the race to create the absolute weapon.<br>
<br>
Following the war, however, nuclear power was sold to the public as energy<br>
with a peaceful end. It should be noted that for many reasons in the US<br>
the government was not and is not the direct financer of civilian nuclear<br>
plants; they are privately financed. However, the state protected<br>
investors in nuclear power plants with a crazy law that put a limit on the<br>
insurance costs of these plants in case of accidents and disasters.<br>
Nuclear reactors were government funded in the final instance, since this<br>
private liability limit was a small fraction of the eventual damage claims<br>
a serious accident at a nuclear plant would generate.<br>
<br>
It is a fact that the danger and consequent fears of the �peaceful� atom<br>
have given popular legitimacy to the militarization � both in the public<br>
and private realms � of the entire atomic sector in all nuclear nations.<br>
There is much to say about this subject, but I will limit my remarks to a<br>
few observations.<br>
<br>
1.3 Since the first decades of the �nuclear era,� the construction and<br>
running of nuclear plants in most countries has depended upon public funds<br>
and financing. Private capital has played a marginal role, providing<br>
almost homeopathic doses of cash, but private capital has been destined to<br>
sneak in, to have a managerial role in the plants and to profit from this<br>
role, with the consumers footing the bill. In the case of nuclear<br>
disasters, private capitalists are protected by a double armor: on the one<br>
side, the public treasury is the creditor of last resort and, on the<br>
other, the payment with public funds for the evacuations, the hospital<br>
bills and in the end the clean up of the nuclear waste. In other words,<br>
the private management of nuclear power has been subjecting large<br>
populations to blackmail under a continual, though muffled, reign of<br>
terror, while obtaining tax money from the public treasury with the excuse<br>
of dealing with emergencies.<br>
<br>
1.4 The expense of maintaining and decommissioning the plants and the<br>
custody of the radioactive waste for thousands of years impose a<br>
tremendous tax and pollution burden on the population. In any case, the<br>
population is condemned to pay a tribute of blood and labor to the<br>
Minotaur for thousands of years. Sometimes, in a kind of endemic<br>
complicity, the state attempts and often succeeds in corrupting an<br>
overseas regime to bury the more dangerous waste on its coasts. It is an<br>
open secret that in the course of time the storage places that are filled<br>
with radioactive waste wrapped up in ridiculous barrels of cement are no<br>
better protected than if they were wrapped in velum. No one really knows<br>
what to do with nuclear waste and no one will remember how to dispose of<br>
it in the arc of the thousands of years that are necessary for it to be<br>
�de�-toxified.<br>
<br>
1.5 There are about 627 nuclear power plants in the world that are<br>
producing electrical energy at the beginning of this second decade of the<br>
21st century. Some of these plants have been damaged just years after<br>
their construction. In the longer period, there is the probability of the<br>
desertification of whole territories for thousands of square miles around<br>
damaged plants and not for years but for centuries. The consequences that<br>
would befall any large area in the case of a new nuclear program would be<br>
likewise: the creation of unapproachable deserts for a duration measured<br>
in biblical time.<br>
<br>
1.6 In countries that are densely populated (such as Italy and Japan) the<br>
noxiousness to the environment of a damaged plant appears in two modes: in<br>
the first place, the radiation that effects the population in general and<br>
which generates serious illnesses from cancers to birth defects in a<br>
radius of thousands of square miles around the nuclear site�though still<br>
far from where the media personalities and the haute bourgeoisie live�in<br>
the second place, at a closer distance, the radioactivity that directly<br>
affects the workers in the plant. In both cases, it appears that space and<br>
distance is what determines the distribution of harm. In reality, however,<br>
this distribution follows from the criteria of the separation of classes<br>
and the position within a class and gender structure.<br>
<br>
1.6.1. In the case of workers� labor after a typical nuclear accident like<br>
the one at the Fukushima plant run by Tepco (Tokyo Electric Power Company)<br>
in the Spring of 2011, the division is starkly revealed between the few<br>
long-term workers paid directly by Tepco and the many precarious<br>
workers�considered unskilled and receiving the lowest wages�who are<br>
attached to contractors and a cascade of sub-contractors and who are to<br>
take care of the maintenance of the three stricken reactors at Fukushima<br>
as well as the other 52 nuclear reactors in 18 sites around Japan. The<br>
precarious workers constitute 88% of the 83,000 workers in the Japanese<br>
nuclear sector (with 73,000 precarious workers, to be more precise). At<br>
Fukushima, in the twelve months that preceded the nuclear disaster 89% of<br>
the<br>
<br>
10, 303 workers had been placed in various steps in the wage ladder of the<br>
sub-contractors, with the salary and the danger increasing with the<br>
increase in the exposure to radioactivity. After the disaster, they faced<br>
the challenge of unsustainable levels of exposure of radiation while they<br>
cleaned the spent-fuel pools with mops and rags in order to open up a path<br>
for the inspectors and the technicians of Tepco. They had to work in<br>
intense cold in order to fill up trash cans with contaminated refuse.<br>
<br>
As always in work that is very noxious, the recruitment always seems to<br>
take place in random settings: in rundown construction yards that have<br>
experienced a long period of crisis and seen much unemployment, among<br>
local poor rural workers and in labor gangs organized by local gangsters.<br>
Always and everywhere the precarious workers in nuclear sites are intended<br>
to hide the wounds and contusions they receive on the job, under penalty<br>
of immediate firing. After the disaster at Fukushima, the precarious<br>
workers were offered higher wages due to the general fear of<br>
radioactivity: about $350 a day for two hours of work; that is more than<br>
double of the preceding pay when the working day was longer. That is to<br>
say, they receive the wages of fear. The conditions of work were generally<br>
better during the 1990s when the exposure to radioactivity had decreased<br>
since the 1980s, but later the exposure began increasing again due to the<br>
increase of accidents in the obsolete plants, in spite of shorter work<br>
schedules.<br>
<br>
In fact, the group of people sacrificed to radioactivity has not faded<br>
away; on the contrary, the sacrifice of human lives has become systemic:<br>
from each the absorption of his modicum of radiation, to each the loss of<br>
his job once the early symptoms of disease are detected (�his� since most<br>
of these workers are men). In short, it is a case of nuclear socialism.<br>
<br>
[In Japan] the first trade union of precarious workers in the nuclear<br>
energy area was founded in the 1980s to contest this state of affairs with<br>
a platform of claims, conspicuous among which was the one concerning<br>
putting a stop to both fake data on the exposure to radiation and to the<br>
strict orders given to the workers to lie to the inspectors about how<br>
security procedures were being sidestepped. After the first 180 workers<br>
had signed up for the union, in democratic Japan, anonymous thugs smashed<br>
the doors of the apartments where union officials were staying and<br>
threatened them and their families. Clearly, nuclear power shapes<br>
democracy (not the other way around!) In brief, one needs to be quiet<br>
because, as they say in union circles, �when one enters a nuclear site,<br>
all is secret.�<br>
<br>
1.7 Elaborated in the 1940s and 1950s in the military world, the paradigm<br>
of nuclear labor was constituted as a general paradigm of a tripartite<br>
division patterned on that of the armed forces: in the first and highest<br>
rung, the scientists, planners, and strategists, invisible in their<br>
Olympus but not totally secure; in the second rung, inspectors,<br>
technicians, and programmers with their stable jobs but also with a bit<br>
more exposure to dangerous radioactive materials; on the bottom rung, the<br>
precarious �service� workers, who constitute the �base force,� as they say<br>
in the navy. This scheme has been applied to an increasing number of<br>
workplace situations from the dockworkers of the US�s West Coast in the<br>
1950s �separated in three rungs: the A-men, the B-men and the rest�to the<br>
contemporary plague of casual work that has hit and continues to hit<br>
stratum after stratum of workers in all the world.<br>
<br>
Everyone manages exactly the danger that emanates from their jobs. The<br>
management of fear and illness is a private and solitary affair, thanks to<br>
the casual collection and secrecy of sensitive data in the health<br>
statistics kept by the power companies, at least until the affected people<br>
organize themselves, as they have begun to do in the US.<br>
<br>
1.8 Nuclear power plants require a nuclear state. The nuclear state can<br>
even have a patina of democracy, in the sense that it permits regular<br>
elections where one votes to choose in whom the executive power will be<br>
vested. In reality, however, one votes only in order to show that one is<br>
�de-voted�[to regimentation]. To be a voter is the inevitable deceit in<br>
the nuclear state. [Morevover, the nuclear state cannot permit any<br>
discontinuity in the discipline of the population and in the regular flow<br>
of lies], whatever the list of candidates that win the elections.<br>
<br>
1.9 The absence of reliable information is one of the characteristic<br>
traits of the nuclear state. It was and is a great forge of falsehood in<br>
both East and West. The nuclear state�s repression of information and<br>
plain fraud is far greater than the diplomatic lies that Wikileaks has so<br>
well documented in 2011. This secrecy is an instrument of the perverse<br>
solidarity of the nuclear ruling class, it is part of their complicity<br>
with the narco-information given to the population which is expected to<br>
submit passively and live in a no man�s land, where nuclearization is a<br>
state of enclosure promoted by state power and legalized and enforced by<br>
the monsters of so-called �governance.�<br>
<br>
*Translator�s Note: The above article was written by Ferruccio Gambino, a<br>
sociologist at the Univesity of Padova, in May 2011 during a campaign to<br>
pass a national referendum resolution barring the construction of new<br>
nuclear power plants in Italy, as the Berlesconi government had planned.<br>
Italy is not now a nuclear state, since it does not have any operational<br>
nuclear power plants on its territory and its military does not claim to<br>
have nuclear weapons. (Although this nuclear-free status cannot be applied<br>
to the US and NATO air and naval bases on Italy�s soil.) Thus, the<br>
referendum resolution was intended to stop Italy from becoming a nuclear<br>
state. The anti-nuke resolution passed by a wide margin. The author<br>
expresses his thanks to Hiroko Tabuchi who wrote �Less Pay, Fewer<br>
Benefits, More Radiation,� International Herald Tribune, April 11, 2011,<br>
p. 1, 6.<br>
<br>
to read further and for Original text in Japanese please go to �<br>
<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/author/ferruccio-gambino/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/author/ferruccio-gambino/</a><br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
__________________________________________________<br>
4.5 Soil and Farmers<br>
<br>
By Yoshihiko Ikegami<br>
<br>
Published: August 29, 2011<br>
<br>
More than a hundred days have passed since the accident. Thanks to the<br>
autonomous investigative actions of the people, the radiation situations<br>
within Fukushima Prefecture as well as in the Tokyo metropolitan area are,<br>
if gradually, being revealed day by day. Considering the need of measuring<br>
radioactivity in every corner of individual lives, this movement still<br>
needs to grow further. It is certain, however, that more and more<br>
individuals will begin to acquire and use their own Geiger counters.<br>
Though far from sufficient, local governments have reluctantly begun to<br>
measure radioactivity. The doses of radiation in all districts are<br>
publicized in local blogs, becoming guidelines for our everyday activity.<br>
We are progressing in this sense.<br>
<br>
But this is only the story of external exposure. We are facing �another,<br>
more serious threats of radiation: the internal exposure. Everyday we are<br>
breathing and eating as life activity; by so doing we are introducing<br>
radioactive substances into our bodies. The radiation of food products is<br>
in a very knotty condition. Calling it a temporary measure, the state<br>
allows circulation of them, especially vegetables, that are contaminated<br>
by 10~20 times higher radiation than the international standard. It is<br>
totally unclear as to how long the temporary measure will be in effect.<br>
The cruelty of this standard is proven by the fact that one would<br>
accordingly receive a total of 50 millisievert of radiation annually by<br>
eating the vegetables and breathing the air, by both internal and external<br>
exposure.<br>
<br>
We cannot continue to purchase such vegetables for our food. We can only<br>
try to be extremely careful in buying them. But since each product does<br>
not show its own radiation level, we have to judge by the indication of<br>
the producing areas. By visiting the website of the Ministry of<br>
Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries <<a href="http://www.maff.go.jp/" target="_blank">http://www.maff.go.jp/</a> >, we can<br>
learn sample data of day-to-day radiation of vegetables from different<br>
prefectures. But these offer only standards and are totally insufficient.<br>
Therefore, buying vegetables plays a deadly role in our everyday<br>
struggles.<br>
<br>
The state not only refuses to alter the lax standard of radiation, but<br>
also follows the strategy of morally accusing those consumers who would<br>
not purchase the food products from radiated areas. To thwart this<br>
boycott, the state even schemes to blur the indications of the producing<br>
areas as much as possible. There is also a serious problem with manure<br>
processing. Radioactive substances accumulate by being washed by water and<br>
becoming part of the mud in ditches. Mud has been used as manure for<br>
agriculture, and even after the current accident, the contaminated mud has<br>
been processed as manure and is about to be distributed across the nation.<br>
So it is inevitable that all the soil of Japan will be contaminated by<br>
radiation.<br>
<br>
Why on earth does the state dare to moralistically judge these consumers<br>
in its strategy? It is in a consideration of the farmers� existence. In<br>
other words, the state is behaving as if it were a representative of<br>
morality, as if it were a guardian of farmers� interest. In this scheme,<br>
the farmers appear to be protected at a glance. But are they really? We<br>
don�t hear much of farmer�s voices any more, while we were shortly after<br>
the accident. What are they thinking at the moment?<br>
<br>
In the wake of the accident, radioactive substances emitted from the<br>
nuclear reactors poured over the entire Kanto Region; the farmland was<br>
polluted instantaneously. The soil was affected by radiation. But it took<br>
a while until the public recognized the fact, only after radioactive<br>
substances such as iodine and cesium came to be detected in vegetables.<br>
Farmers were dumbfounded while looking at their polluted land, and then<br>
mourned unable to ship the vegetables they produced with their heart and<br>
soul. For the farmers, the earth is the most important thing, the basis of<br>
their living and the ground of their existence. They can no longer rely on<br>
this resource of all. Thereafter their mourning and rage against the<br>
nuclear power plant were repeatedly reported in the news media. But now it<br>
is necessary for us to share and ponder their chagrin time and time again.<br>
<br>
We must not forget the fact that the farmers are next to the plant workers<br>
in terms of the amount of radiation they are exposed to. They work closely<br>
with soil which tends to accumulate radioactive substances more than<br>
anything else. Thus the farmers are likely to be exposed to tens of times<br>
more radiation than urban dwellers. Therefore it may be they who have to<br>
evacuate first.<br>
<br>
There has been no official report of death directly by radiation since the<br>
accident. But at least several farmers have killed themselves. This is<br>
because their future was completely blocked by soil contamination and the<br>
impossibility of continuing their subsistence as a farmer. In recent years<br>
only in the historical imagination have we encountered miseries and<br>
famines of farmers caused by draught and other natural disasters. But now<br>
such tragedies are unfolding in front of our eyes.<br>
<br>
On April 26th, the 25th anniversary of the Chernobyl accident, a farmers�<br>
protest took place in front of the headquarters of TEPCO in Marunouchi<br>
Tokyo. They carried with them the vegetables they produced but cannot ship<br>
to markets. What impressed us most was a cow they brought with them. The<br>
presence of the creature was stunning amidst the high-tech mega-city<br>
Tokyo. Cattle are more than friends for farmers; living together and<br>
mourning together, they are like their own children. Marching with a flag<br>
made of a straw mat, the cow revived the scenery of the mediaeval in our<br>
minds. Listening to the moo echoing over the metropolitan skyline, we were<br>
inside the history of hundreds of years past. In this sense, the accident<br>
shook and dug out the old layers of our memories.<br>
<br>
But again, the voices of the farmers we heard in the beginning are no<br>
longer. In the shadow of the argumentation about the right or wrong of<br>
selling the farm products, the existence of farmers themselves is again<br>
about to be sealed off. It is becoming harder and harder to find out what<br>
really is going on in the entire scheme of facts. As far as the<br>
accelerating action of measuring radioactivity is concerned, it has so far<br>
been an urban-based movement. But it is necessary to have that practice on<br>
the farmland, in order to understand the situation of radiation on the<br>
soil. All sorts of support must be guaranteed for the farmers. No matter<br>
how extensive the areas are, soil replacement will be necessary. And of<br>
course, further evacuation must be planned for certain areas.<br>
<br>
We cannot simply accept the situation. The silencing of the nuclear<br>
colonial regime must be broken. Shiro Yabu has called the measuring<br>
movement a new public hygiene, a new meteorology. And I would say: a new<br>
stratigraphy must be initiated � before the new harvest season of autumn<br>
arrives.<br>
<br>
to read further and for Original text in Japanese please go to �<br>
<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/08/29/soil-and-farmers/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/08/29/soil-and-farmers/</a><br>
<br>
__________________________________________________<br>
4.6 Jfissures, Editorial<br>
<br>
Published: August 15, 2011<br>
<br>
It was a week after 3/11 that <<a href="http://jfissures.org" target="_blank">jfissures.org</a>> was created. Since then we<br>
have been publishing critical writings in Japanese-English bilingual<br>
format, as a convergence point of discourses from within and without<br>
Japan, all tackling the unprecedented situation that the human society is<br>
now confronting. For now the radiation scattering is being experienced<br>
mainly by the people of the far-eastern archipelago, but unfortunately<br>
will expand globally, in both radioactive effects and social-economic<br>
situation. One of the main premises of the project is to see it as a<br>
global event.<br>
<br>
Humanity has long been exposed to radioactivity as well as other fatal<br>
substances of industrial waste in various places on the planet. But there<br>
is a singularity, that is, an irreversibility that distinguishes Fukushima<br>
from previous conditions and incidents. One of the significant differences<br>
is the exposure of massive population (including the residents of Tokyo<br>
metropolis) to radioactivity, to which neither total measure nor complete<br>
solution is seen on the horizon. Another issue that characterizes<br>
Fukushima nuclear accident is that the Japanese ruling power�s responses<br>
and their absurdity has clearly shown to us that people�s lives are of<br>
lesser matters in the well-being of the nuclear regime even after the<br>
�safety� of nuclear power was proved otherwise. No matter what we do �<br>
even if we accomplish our important tasks of ousting nuclear plants and<br>
finding alternative energy � we will have to live with various forms and<br>
degrees of radiation whose effects are varied temporarily and spatially.<br>
It has already happened and it will continue to happen. The extent of its<br>
influence is yet to be experienced, but this is a matter of fact.<br>
<br>
Meanwhile we are observing the advent of a global nuclear regime<br>
consisting of pro-nuke states and capitals (the majority of the neoliberal<br>
forces), that is both publicly and tacitly urging humans to get used to<br>
and live with radioactivity as long as life exists on the planet. For<br>
making its political strategy, the global regime relies on the blurred<br>
spatiality and temporality of, or the variety and unpredictability of<br>
radiation effects over the populace. As Japanese ruling power says: �There<br>
are no immediate effects. Mind your own business!� � Such is the slogan of<br>
the necropolitics after 3/11.<br>
<br>
In this new situation, it is crucial for us to note that the anti-nuke or<br>
de-nuke call can no longer be just a preventive one for possible future<br>
disasters, but should also instigate a struggle against the present<br>
management of nuclear disaster, that is what the people of Japan have<br>
already begun. Stopping existing nuke operations is a must, but the<br>
struggle for our survival under existing radiation should be created anew<br>
against and beyond the new control of capitalist/nation/state over our<br>
entire life world, since the necropolitics of radiation is just a part of<br>
the necropolitics of all other forms where political oppression, social<br>
control and profit making are becoming one and the same practice. For that<br>
matter, atomic power and the society grounded upon it are the ultimate<br>
embodiment of the civilization that the capitalist production has reached.<br>
As writings from Japan unequivocally attest to, the anti- or de-nuke<br>
movement after Fukushima can no longer be a single-issue movement. It has<br>
to involve all aspects of reproduction of life. It must be an<br>
anti-capitalist/nation/state movement. It must target all the climate and<br>
environment injustices. It must be an all-inclusive struggle involving<br>
politics, information, science, medicine, culture and everyday life.<br>
<br>
<<a href="http://jfissures.org" target="_blank">jfissures.org</a>> intends to be a hub for presenting information, criticisms<br>
and theories for creating such a movement on a planetary scale, based upon<br>
and for the sake of what the people in Japan are and will be experiencing<br>
for the years to come. It seeks to situate itself on the lineage of<br>
anti-capitalist struggle and mass insurrection in the world over, at the<br>
same time as paying attention to the heritages (failures and successes) of<br>
global justice, climate and environmental justice movements.<br>
<<a href="http://jfissures.org" target="_blank">jfissures.org</a>> hopes to work with innumerable radical groups in and out<br>
of Japan fighting locally or globally for a full-hearted transformation of<br>
the planetary apparatus.<br>
<br>
to read further and for text in Japanese please go to �<br>
<br>
<a href="http://www.jfissures.org/2011/08/15/editorial-8152011/" target="_blank">http://www.jfissures.org/2011/08/15/editorial-8152011/</a><br>
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