Indeed a nice review article,<br><br>Michel<br><br><div class="gmail_quote">On Thu, Feb 3, 2011 at 2:59 PM, Thomas Greco <span dir="ltr">&lt;<a href="mailto:thg@mindspring.com">thg@mindspring.com</a>&gt;</span> wrote:<br><blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 0.8ex; border-left: 1px solid rgb(204, 204, 204); padding-left: 1ex;">


  
    
    
  
  <div text="#000000" bgcolor="#ffffff">
    This article is well worth reading. It gets at some crucial factors
    in the boom-bust cycle, citing several important sources, including
    Marx, Keynes, Roubini, etc..<br>
    <br>
    Oddly, he fails to mention the money monopoly and the creation of
    debt-money at compound interest as the driving force, without which
    <br>
    the bubble-bust cycle and the class division based on capital
    ownership could not continue.<br>
    <br>
    Tom<br>
    <div style="font-family: times new roman,new york,times,serif; font-size: 12pt;">
      <div style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: times new roman,new york,times,serif;"><br>
        <div style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: times new roman,new york,times,serif;"><font face="Tahoma" size="2">-----
            Forwarded Message ----<br>
            <b><span style="font-weight: bold;">From:</span></b>
            krishnaswamy arvind <a href="mailto:Krishnaswamya@bharatpetroleum.in" target="_blank">&lt;Krishnaswamya@bharatpetroleum.in&gt;</a><br>
            <b><span style="font-weight: bold;">To:</span></b> Jairus
            Banaji <a href="mailto:jairus_b@hotmail.com" target="_blank">&lt;jairus_b@hotmail.com&gt;</a>;
            <a href="mailto:jairus_b@rediffmail.com" target="_blank">&quot;jairus_b@rediffmail.com&quot;</a>
            <a href="mailto:jairus_b@rediffmail.com" target="_blank">&lt;jairus_b@rediffmail.com&gt;</a>;
            <a href="mailto:tanandraj@gmail.com" target="_blank">&quot;tanandraj@gmail.com&quot;</a>
            <a href="mailto:tanandraj@gmail.com" target="_blank">&lt;tanandraj@gmail.com&gt;</a>;
            rajni bakshi <a href="mailto:rajnibakshi@yahoo.com" target="_blank">&lt;rajnibakshi@yahoo.com&gt;</a><br>
            <b><span style="font-weight: bold;">Cc:</span></b> Preeti
            Bhat <a href="mailto:preetibhat@hotmail.com" target="_blank">&lt;preetibhat@hotmail.com&gt;</a>;
            Praful Bidwai <a href="mailto:prafulbidwai@gmail.com" target="_blank">&lt;prafulbidwai@gmail.com&gt;</a><br>
            <b><span style="font-weight: bold;">Sent:</span></b> Tue,
            February 1, 2011 4:37:49 PM<br>
            <b><span style="font-weight: bold;">Subject:</span></b> <br>
          </font><br>
          
          <div>
            <h1 style="text-align: justify;"><font color="black" face="Georgia" size="6"><span style="font-size: 22.5pt; font-family: Georgia;">How Much Is Too Much?</span></font></h1>
            <h2><font color="#253943" face="Georgia" size="4"><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: Georgia;">Benjamin

                  Kunkel</span></font></h2>
            <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-left: 0in; line-height: 16.35pt; margin-right: 0in;"><font color="#333333" face="Symbol" size="2"><span style="font-size: 10pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Symbol;"><span>�<font face="Times New
                      Roman" size="1"><span style="font-weight: normal; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal;">��������������������������������

                      </span></font></span></span></font><cite><i><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="2"><span style="font-size: 10pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The Enigma of Capital: And
                      the Crises of Capitalism</span></font></i></cite><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="2"><span style="font-size: 10pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> by David Harvey<br>
                  Profile, 296�pp, �14.99, April 2010,
                  ISBN�978�1�84668�308�4 </span></font></p>
            <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-left: 0in; line-height: 16.35pt; margin-right: 0in;"><font color="#333333" face="Symbol" size="2"><span style="font-size: 10pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Symbol;"><span>�<font face="Times New
                      Roman" size="1"><span style="font-weight: normal; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal;">��������������������������������

                      </span></font></span></span></font><cite><i><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="2"><span style="font-size: 10pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">A Companion to Marx�s
                      �Capital�</span></font></i></cite><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="2"><span style="font-size: 10pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> by David Harvey<br>
                  Verso, 368�pp, �10.99, March 2010,
                  ISBN�978�1�84467�359�9 </span></font></p>
            <p class="MsoNormal"><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"></span></font><font color="#3366cc" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 102, 204); font-family: Georgia;"></span></font><font color="#3366cc" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 102, 204); font-family: Georgia;"></span></font><span><span style="width: 621px; min-height: 88px;"><img src="https://mail.google.com/mail/?ui=2&amp;ik=27be8f0599&amp;view=att&amp;th=12deab08ecf009c6&amp;attid=0.1.1&amp;disp=emb&amp;zw" height="88" width="621"></span></span><font color="#3366cc" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 102, 204); font-family: Georgia;"><a href="http://ads.lrb.co.uk/www/delivery/ck.php?oaparams=2__bannerid=36__zoneid=9__source=%2F8%2FBRAND%2FIN%2FRW%2F__cb=74396bacc9__oadest=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.lrb.co.uk%2FHedFba01GL" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"></span></font><font face="Times New
                      Roman"><span></a></span></font></p>
            <p class="MsoNormal"><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"><img src="http://www.mailscanner.info/images/1x1spacer.gif" width="1" height="1" alt="Web Bug from https://mail.google.com/mail/?ui=2&ik=27be8f0599&view=att&th=12deab08ecf009c6&attid=0.1.2&disp=emb&zw" /></span></font></p>

            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The deepest economic crisis in
                  eighty years prompted a shallow revival of Marxism. <span>During the panicky period between the
                    failure of Lehman Brothers in September 2008 and the
                    official end of the American recession in the summer
                    of 2009, several mainstream journals, displaying a
                    less than sincere mixture of broadmindedness and
                    chagrin, hailed Marx as a neglected seer of
                    capitalist crisis.</span> The <span>trendspotting</span>
                  <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Foreign Policy</span></font></i></i>
                  led the way, with a cover story on Marx for its Next
                  Big Thing issue, enticing readers with a promise of
                  star treatment: �Lights. <span>Camera.</span>
                  <span>Action.</span> <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Das <span>Kapital</span></span></font></i></i>.
                  <span>Now.�</span></span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Though written by a socialist,
                  Leo <span>Panitch</span>, the piece
                  was typical of the general approach to Marx and
                  Marxism. It bowed at a distance to the prophet of
                  capitalism�s ever �more extensive and exhaustive
                  crises�, and restated several basic articles of his
                  thought: capitalism is inherently unstable; political
                  activism is indispensable; and revolution offers the
                  ultimate prize. This can�t have done much more than
                  jog memories of the <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Communist
                          Manifesto</span></font></i></i>, the only one
                  of Marx�s works cited by <span>Panitch</span>.
                  The <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Manifesto</span></font></i></i>
                  remains an incandescent pamphlet, but the elements of
                  a Marxian crisis theory, one never fully articulated
                  by Marx himself, lie elsewhere, scattered throughout <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Theories of Surplus Value</span></font></i></i>,
                  the <span><i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Grundrisse</span></font></i></i></span>
                  and above all the posthumous second and third volumes
                  of <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Capital</span></font></i></i>.
                  Marx�s brilliant and somewhat contradictory comments
                  on the subject bring to mind <span>Cioran�s</span>
                  remark: �Works die; fragments, not having lived, can
                  no longer die.� Such shards sowed one of the most
                  fertile fields in Marxist economics. Over recent
                  decades, the landmarks of Marxian economic thinking
                  include Ernest Mandel�s <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Late Capitalism</span></font></i></i>
                  (1972), David Harvey�s <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Limits to
                          Capital</span></font></i></i> (1982),
                  Giovanni <span>Arrighi�s</span> <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Long 20th Century</span></font></i></i>
                  (1994) and Robert Brenner�s <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Economics of Global Turbulence</span></font></i></i>
                  (2006), all expressly concerned with the grinding
                  tectonics and punctual quakes of capitalist crisis.
                  Yet little trace of this literature, by Marx or his
                  successors, has surfaced even among the more
                  open-minded practitioners of what might be called the
                  bourgeois <span>theorisation</span> of
                  the current crisis.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The term bourgeois will seem
                  apt enough if we note that a recent and distinguished
                  addition to the long shelf of books on the crisis, <span>Nouriel</span> <span>Roubini�s</span>
                  <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Crisis Economics</span></font></i></i>,
                  summons as its audience not only �financial
                  professionals�, �corporate executives� and �students
                  in business, economics and finance�, but also �
                  exhausting the list � �ordinary investors�.<a href="http://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n03/benjamin-kunkel/how-much-is-too-much/print#fn-01%23fn-01" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">[1]</a> No one, in
                  other words, who is unmotivated by gain. Maybe it�s to
                  be expected, then, that the Marx celebrated by <span>Roubini</span> and his coauthor
                  Stephen <span>Mihm</span>, in a r�sum�
                  of earlier theorists of crisis, appears as a mere
                  herald of continual disruption rather than as an
                  economist who located at the heart of such crises the
                  existence of bourgeois society as such, or the social
                  cleavage between profit-seekers (financial
                  professionals etc) and wage-earners: the fatal schism,
                  in other words, between capital and <span>labour</span>. <span>Roubini</span>
                  goes no further than to quote the same ringing lines
                  of the <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Manifesto</span></font></i></i>
                  that appear in <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Foreign Policy</span></font></i></i>.
                  Here again is the resemblance of capitalism to �the
                  sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers
                  of the nether world <span>whom</span>
                  he has called up by his spells�. Credited with the
                  alarming but vague insight that �Capitalism <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">is</span></font></i></i> crisis,�
                  Marx then departs the scene.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">To date, a revived Keynesianism
                  has formed a left boundary of economic debate in the
                  press at large. Only <span>specialised</span>
                  socialist journals have undertaken to diagnose
                  capitalism�s latest distemper in explicitly or
                  implicitly Marxian terms. As for books on the crisis,
                  until recently the jostling crowd of titles included
                  no Marxist study, the exception to this rule, John
                  Bellamy Foster and Fred <span>Magdoff�s</span>
                  <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Great Financial Crisis</span></font></i></i>,
                  having been bolted together out of editorials from one
                  of those socialist journals, the American <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Monthly Review</span></font></i></i>.<a href="http://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n03/benjamin-kunkel/how-much-is-too-much/print#fn-02%23fn-02" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">[2]</a> Not until
                  now, with David Harvey�s <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Enigma of
                          Capital</span></font></i></i>, have we had a
                  book-length example of Marxian crisis theory addressed
                  to the current situation.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Few writers could be better
                  qualified than Harvey to test the continuing validity
                  of a Marxian approach to crisis, a situation he
                  helpfully defines � dictionaries of economics tend to
                  lack any entry for the word � as �surplus capital and
                  surplus <span>labour</span> existing
                  side by side with seemingly no way to put them back
                  together�. (This is at once reminiscent of Keynes�s
                  �underemployment equilibrium� and of the news in the
                  daily papers: in the </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">US</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">, corporations
                  are sitting on almost two trillion dollars in cash
                  while unemployment hovers just below 10 per cent.)
                  Harvey, who was born in Kent, is the author of the
                  monumental <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Limits to
                          Capital</span></font></i></i> � a
                  thoroughgoing critique, synthesis and extension of the
                  several varieties of crisis theory underwritten by
                  Marx�s thought � and has been teaching courses on
                  Marx, mainly in the US, for nearly four decades. His
                  lectures on Volume I of <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Capital</span></font></i></i>,
                  available online, have become part of the
                  self-education of many young leftists, and now supply
                  the framework for his useful <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Companion to Marx�s �Capital</span></font></i></i>�.

                  (I sat in on his lectures at the City University of
                  New York in the fall of 2007; a good Marxist, </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> made no
                  effort to find out whether any of us � too many for
                  the available chairs � had registered and paid for the
                  class.)</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Since the publication of <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Limits to Capital</span></font></i></i>
                  in the second year of the Reagan administration and at
                  the dawn of what has come to be known as the <span>financialisation</span> of the world
                  economy, the dual movement of Harvey�s career has been
                  to return time and again to Marx as a teacher, and to
                  extend his own ideas into new and more empirical
                  territory. The most substantial of his recent books, <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Paris, Capital of Modernity</span></font></i></i>
                  (2003), described the city�s forcible <span>modernisation</span> by Baron <span>Haussmann</span> as a solution to
                  structural crisis � �The problem in 1851 was to absorb
                  the surpluses of capital and <span>labour</span>
                  power� � and situated this urban transformation within
                  the renovation of Parisian humanity it induced.
                  Harvey�s other post-millennial volumes, <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The New Imperialism</span></font></i></i>
                  (also 2003), <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">A Brief History
                          of <span>Neoliberalism</span></span></font></i></i>
                  (2005) and now <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Enigma of
                          Capital</span></font></i></i>, amount to a
                  trilogy of self-<span>popularisation</span>
                  and historical illustration, taking current events as
                  a proving ground for what Harvey has called, referring
                  to <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Limits to
                          Capital</span></font></i></i>, �a reasonably
                  good approximation to a general theory of capital
                  accumulation in space and time�.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The mention of space is
                  considered. Harvey received his doctorate in geography
                  rather than economics or history � his first,
                  non-Marxist book was taken up with differing
                  representations of space � and the whole thrust of his
                  subsequent work, alert to the unevenness of capitalist
                  development across <span>neighbourhoods</span>,
                  regions and nation-states, has been to give a more
                  variegated spatial texture to the historical
                  materialism he would prefer to call
                  �historical-geographical materialism�. In a sense, the
                  emphasis confirms </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�s classicism.
                  Marx himself somewhat curiously concluded the first
                  volume of <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Capital</span></font></i></i>
                  � a book otherwise essentially concerned with local
                  transactions between capital and <span>labour</span>,
                  illustrated mostly from the English experience � with
                  a chapter on the �primitive accumulation� of land and
                  mineral wealth attendant on the European sacking of
                  the Americas. In the same way, Rosa Luxemburg, Marx�s
                  first great legatee in the theory of crisis, insisted
                  in the <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Accumulation of
                          Capital</span></font></i></i> (1913) that
                  imperial expansion across space must accompany capital
                  accumulation over time. Without the <span>prising</span> open of new markets in
                  the colonies, she argued, metropolitan capitalism
                  would be unable to dispose profitably of its glut of
                  commodities, and crises of overproduction doom the
                  system.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">It�s not, however, until the
                  last third of <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Limits to
                          Capital</span></font></i></i> that the
                  spatial implications of </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�s project
                  loom into view. The book starts as a patient
                  philological reconstruction, from Marx�s stray
                  comments, of a Marxian theory of crisis. The method is
                  fittingly cumulative as, from chapter to chapter, in
                  lucid, mostly unadorned <span>prose,</span>
                </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> adds new
                  features to a simple model of the �<span>overaccumulation</span> of capital�.
                  And <span>overaccumulation</span>
                  remains in his later work � including <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Enigma of Capital</span></font></i></i>
                  � the fount of all <span>crisis</span>.
                  The term may seem paradoxical: what could it mean for
                  capital to <span>overaccumulate</span>,
                  when the entire spirit of the system is, as Marx
                  wrote, �accumulation for accumulation�s sake�? How
                  could capitalism acquire too much of what it regards
                  as the sole good thing?</span></font></p>
            <p><span><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Overaccumulated</span></font></span><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> capital can
                  be defined as capital unable to <span>realise</span>
                  the expected rate of profit. Whether in the form of
                  money, physical plant, commodities for sale or <span>labour</span> power (the latter
                  being, in Marx�s terms, mere �variable capital�), it
                  can only be invested, <span>utilised</span>,
                  sold or hired, as the case may be, with reduced
                  profitability or at a loss. <span>Overaccumulation</span>
                  will then be variously reflected in money hoarded or
                  gambled rather than invested; in underused factories
                  or vacant storefronts; in half-finished goods or
                  unsold inventories; and in idle workers, even as the
                  need for all these things goes unmet. In such cases,
                  the most basic of the contradictions Marx discovered
                  in capitalism � between use value and exchange value �
                  reasserts <span>itself</span>. For at
                  times of crisis, it�s not that too much wealth exists
                  to make use of � in fact, �too little is produced to
                  decently and humanely satisfy the wants of the great
                  mass� � but that �too many means of <span>labour</span> and necessities of life
                  are produced� to serve �as means for the exploitation
                  of <span>labourers</span> at a certain
                  rate of profit�. A portion of the <span>overaccumulated</span> capital will
                  then be devalued, until what survives can seek a
                  satisfactory profitability again. Thus asset prices
                  plunge, firms go bankrupt, physical inventories
                  languish and wages are reduced, though this
                  devaluation is no more equally divided among the
                  respective social groups (<span>rentiers</span>,
                  industrialists, merchants, <span>labourers</span>)
                  than prosperity was during the good times.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">On </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�s account,
                  standard in this respect, the risk of <span>overaccumulation</span> is intrinsic
                  to the capitalist pursuit of �surplus value�. The
                  temptation is to say that surplus value is merely
                  Marx�s name for profit, but this would be to assume
                  success where there is only speculation: surplus value
                  (in commodities) can be <span>realised</span>
                  as a profit (in money) only in the event of a sale,
                  and this is the rub. A capitalist, in order to
                  produce, must purchase both means of production
                  (Marx�s �constant capital�) and wage-<span>labour</span> (or �variable
                  capital�). After this outlay � C+V in Marx�s
                  formulation � the capitalist naturally hopes to
                  possess a commodity capable of being sold for more
                  than was spent on its production. The difference
                  between cost of production and price at sale permits
                  the <span>realisation</span> of
                  surplus value. The production of any commodity, as
                  well as the �expanded reproduction� of the system
                  itself, can thus be described by the further formula
                  C+V+S: to a quantity of constant capital, or means of
                  production, has been added a quantity of variable
                  capital, or <span>labour</span> power,
                  with a bonus of surplus value contained in the
                  finished commodity.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The trouble is already there to
                  see. Imagine an economy consisting of a single firm
                  which has bought means of production and <span>labour</span> power for a total of
                  $100, in order to produce a mass of commodities it
                  intends to sell for $110, i.e. at a profit of 10 per
                  cent. The problem is that the firm�s suppliers of
                  constant and variable capital are also its only
                  potential customers. Even if the would-be buyers pool
                  their funds, they have only their $100 to spend, and
                  no more. Production of the total supply of commodities
                  exceeds the monetarily effective demand in the system.
                  <span>As </span></span></font><span><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font></span><span><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> explains in <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Limits to
                            Capital</span></font></i></i>, effective
                    demand �is at any one point equal to C+V, whereas
                    the value of the total output is C+V+S.</span></font></span><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> Under
                  conditions of equilibrium, this still leaves us with
                  the problem of where the demand for S, the surplus
                  value produced but not yet <span>realised</span>
                  through exchange, comes from.� An extra $10 in value
                  must be found somewhere, to be exchanged with the firm
                  if it is to <span>realise</span> its
                  desired profit.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">In this <span>stylised</span>
                  scheme, with the entire capitalist economy figured as
                  a single firm, the supplementary value can be produced
                  only by the same firm and only in the future. The full
                  cash value of today�s product can therefore be <span>realised</span> only with the
                  assistance of money advanced against commodity values
                  yet to be produced. �The surplus value created at one
                  point requires the creation of surplus value at
                  another point,� as Marx put it in the <span><i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Grundrisse</span></font></i></i></span>.
                  How are these points, separated in space and time, to
                  be linked? In a word, through the credit system, <span>which involves �the creation of what
                    Marx calls �fictitious capital� � money that is
                    thrown into circulation as capital without any
                    material basis in commodities or productive
                    activity�.</span> Money values backed by tomorrow�s
                  as yet <span>unproduced</span> goods
                  and services, to be exchanged against those already
                  produced today: this is credit or bank money, an
                  anticipation of future value without which the
                  creation of present value stalls. <span>Realisation</span> (or the
                  transformation of surplus value into its money
                  equivalent, as profit) thus depends on the
                  �fictitious�.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> is not adding
                  to Marx here: his achievement is to piece a heap of
                  fragments into a coherent mosaic. And for his
                  reconstructed Marx, the end of capitalism � or at
                  least its latest stage, of globally integrated finance
                  � lies in its beginning. What is sometimes called the
                  system�s GOD imperative, for Grow <span>Or</span>
                  Die, entails from the outset the development of
                  finance as the earnest of future production. Finance
                  and production, production and finance, can then chase
                  each other�s tail until together they have covered the
                  entire world (or exhausted the tolerance of the
                  working class). Marx proposed that �the tendency to
                  create the world market is directly given in the
                  concept of capital itself,� and </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> glosses the
                  idea: �<span>The</span> necessary
                  geographical expansion of capitalism is � to be
                  interpreted as capital in search for surplus value.
                  The penetration of capitalist relations into all
                  sectors of the economy, the <span>mobilisation</span>
                  of various �latent� sources of <span>labour</span>
                  power (women and children, for example), have a
                  similar basis.� Hence both the involution and the
                  imperialism of capital, <span>commodifying</span>
                  the most intimate of formerly <span>uncommodified</span>
                  practices (education, food preparation, courtship) as
                  well as sweeping formerly non-capitalist regions
                  (China and Eastern Europe) into the global market.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Marxist economic writing at its
                  best praises the system it comes to bury in more
                  dazzling terms than more apologetic accounts ever
                  achieve, and Harvey�s sardonic paean to �the immense
                  potential power that resides within the credit system�
                  finds him at his most eloquent. For if it at first
                  appeared from a logical point of view that capitalism
                  must immediately founder in a crisis of overproduction
                  and <span>underconsumption</span> it
                  now appears that this problem enjoys a solution.
                  Consider, </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> suggests,
                  �the relation between production and consumption�:</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">A proper allocation of credit
                  can ensure a quantitative balance between them. The
                  gap between purchases and sales � can be bridged, and
                  production can be <span>harmonised</span>
                  with consumption to ensure balanced accumulation. Any
                  increase in the flow of credit to housing
                  construction, for example, is of little avail today
                  without a parallel increase in the flow of mortgage
                  finance to facilitate housing purchases. Credit can be
                  used to accelerate production and consumption
                  simultaneously.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">In the aftermath of the
                  greatest housing bust in history, from </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Phoenix</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> to </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Dublin</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> to </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Dubai</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">, that should
                  sound an ominous note. </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> goes on: �All
                  links in the <span>realisation</span>
                  process bar one can be brought under the control of
                  the credit system. The single exception is of the
                  greatest importance.� Credit can co-ordinate the flow
                  of economic value, but can�t create it ex <span>nihilo</span>: �There is no
                  substitute for the actual transformation of nature
                  through the concrete production of use values.�</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">In the case of real estate, it
                  might happen � as it has � that more building and
                  selling of houses has been financed than can actually
                  be paid for with income deriving, in the last
                  instance, from production. So the credit system that
                  had seemed to insure against one kind of <span>overaccumulation</span> (of commodity
                  capital) by advancing money against future production,
                  now seems to have fostered another kind of <span>overaccumulation</span> (of
                  fictitious capital) by promising more production than
                  has occurred. More housing has been created than
                  builders can sell at a profit; more mortgage debt has
                  been issued than can be repaid, through wage income,
                  to ensure the lenders� profit; homeowners who took out
                  loans against the rising value of their property find
                  that prices are instead plummeting; and with the
                  collapse of the housing sector more money capital now
                  lies in the hands of its owners than they can see a
                  way to invest profitably.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�The onset of a crisis is
                  usually triggered by a spectacular failure which
                  shakes confidence in fictitious forms of capital,� </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> writes, and
                  everyone knows what happens next. The flow of credit,
                  at one moment lavished to all comers on the flimsiest
                  pretext of repayment, at the next more or less dries
                  up. In the resulting conditions of uncertainty, those
                  without ready cash, forced to cough it up anyway, can
                  be pushed into fire-sales of their assets, while those
                  who do have cash prefer to save rather than spend it,
                  so that the economy as a whole sinks toward
                  stagnation. <span>So far, so familiar.</span>
                  But what explains the special liability of capitalism
                  to crises of disappointed speculation? And why should
                  real estate so often be their privileged object?</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�Such speculative fevers are
                  not necessarily to be interpreted as direct
                  manifestations of disequilibrium in production,� </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> says: �They
                  can and do occur on their own account.� Yet �<span>overaccumulation</span> creates
                  conditions ripe for such speculative fevers so that a
                  concatenation of the latter almost invariably signals
                  the existence of the former.� If capital has been <span>overaccumulated</span>, this means by
                  definition that it can�t easily find a profitable
                  outlet in increased production. The resulting
                  temptation, </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> suggests,
                  with his emphasis on finance, will be for capital to
                  sidestep production altogether and attempt to increase
                  itself through the multiplication of paper (or
                  digital) assets alone. The question that goes all but
                  unasked in the more respectable literature on the <span>crisis,</span> is why the
                  opportunities for profitable investment looked so
                  scarce in the first place.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">If capitalist crises are crises
                  of profitability, Marxian theory ascribes diminished
                  opportunities for profit to one of three underlying
                  conditions. First, a profit squeeze may be induced by
                  the excessive wage bill of the working class, so that
                  capitalists lack enough income to invest in new
                  production on a scale compatible with growth. This
                  line of thought takes inspiration from Marx�s remark
                  that wages are never higher than on the eve of a
                  crash, and enjoyed a heyday of plausibility in the
                  early 1970s, a bygone era of <span>labour</span>
                  militancy, near full employment and high inflation,
                  allegedly spurred by the so-called wage-price spiral.
                  Robert Brenner disputes, however, that a profit
                  squeeze imposed by <span>labour</span>
                  truly afflicted the early 1970s, and doubts whether,
                  given the superior mobility of capital over <span>labour</span>, such a profit squeeze
                  could ever take hold over the long run; capital would
                  simply relocate to more docile markets. At any rate,
                  what Brenner calls the Full Employment Profit Squeeze
                  thesis hardly appears to caption the current picture
                  of high unemployment and stagnant real wages across
                  the developed world.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">A second condition is the
                  tendency of the rate of profit to fall as a result of
                  the �rising organic composition of capital�, or in
                  other words the penchant, given increased
                  technological and <span>organisational</span>
                  efficiency, for using relatively less <span>labour</span> than capital in
                  production. Since profitability reflects the �rate of
                  exploitation� � or the ratio of the surplus value
                  produced by the worker to the wages he receives �
                  using less <span>labour</span>
                  relative to capital diminishes profitability, unless
                  capital goods become cheaper or exploitation is ramped
                  up. This problem too can be solved, at least in
                  principle: the capital/ <span>labour</span>
                  ratio can simply be <span>rejigged</span>
                  by deploying more <span>labour</span>
                  relative to capital. Indeed, something like this has
                  occurred on the grandest scale in recent decades,
                  through the rough doubling of the amount of <span>labour</span> available to capital
                  with the <span>proletarianisation</span>
                  of huge populations in </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Eastern Europe</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> and </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Asia</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">. The effect,
                  on one estimate, has been to reduce the global
                  capital/<span>labour</span> ratio by
                  55-60 per cent.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Finally, and most plausibly
                  today, theories of �<span>underconsumption</span>�
                  argue that capitalism lends itself to crisis because,
                  by resisting wage growth, it deprives itself of the
                  market, expanded by wage <span>growth,</span>
                  it would need in order profitably to employ its
                  swelling quantities of capital. Marx, in Volume II of
                  <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Capital</span></font></i></i>, is
                  to the point: �Contradiction in the capitalist mode of
                  production: the <span>labourers</span>
                  as buyers of commodities are important for the market.
                  But as sellers of their own commodity � <span>labour</span> power � capitalist
                  society tends to keep them down to the minimum price.�
                  Of course �a sufficient prodigality of the capitalist
                  class�, as Marx called it, could in principle maintain
                  effective demand at a level consistent with the steady
                  expansion of the system, by substituting luxury
                  consumption for the satisfaction of the population at
                  large.<a href="http://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n03/benjamin-kunkel/how-much-is-too-much/print#fn-03%23fn-03" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">[3]</a> But this
                  solution was never likely, for as Keynes observed,
                  �when our income increases our consumption increases
                  also, but not by so much. The key to our practical
                  problem is to be found in this psychological law.� The
                  worldwide defeat of <span>labour</span>
                  since the 1980s, leading the wage share of GDP to fall
                  throughout the capitalist core, along with the
                  persistent inability of the higher reaches of the
                  capitalist class, in spite of their best efforts, to
                  attain a level of expenditure proportionate to their
                  wealth, makes an <span>underconsumptionist</span>
                  analysis of the current crisis an appealing one, and
                  suggests a possible convergence of Keynesian and
                  Marxian views.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Marxists tend to battle each
                  other, often in the heroic footnotes native to the
                  tradition, over the merits or defects of these
                  differing explanations of crisis. </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�s own
                  approach is catholic, all-encompassing. For him, the
                  various strands of crisis theory represent, but don�t
                  exhaust, possible departures from a path of balanced
                  growth in finance and production. What unites the
                  strands is the fundamental antagonism between capital
                  and <span>labour</span>, with their
                  opposing pursuits of profits and wages. If there
                  exists a theoretical possibility of attaining an ideal
                  proportion, from the standpoint of balanced growth,
                  between the amount of total social income to be
                  reinvested in production and the amount to be spent on
                  consumption, and if at the same time the credit system
                  could serve to maintain this ratio of profits to wages
                  in perpetuity, the antagonistic nature of class
                  society nevertheless prevents such a balance from
                  being struck except occasionally and by accident, to
                  be immediately upset by any advantage gained by <span>labour</span> or more likely by
                  capital.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">So, as <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Limits to Capital</span></font></i></i>
                  implies without quite stating, the special allure and
                  danger of an elaborate credit system lie in its
                  relationship to class society. If more capital has
                  been accumulated than can be <span>realised</span>
                  as a profit through exchange, owing perhaps to �the
                  poverty and restricted consumption of the masses� that
                  Marx at one point declared �the ultimate reason for
                  all real crises�, this condition can be temporarily
                  concealed, and its consequences postponed, by the
                  confection of fictitious values in excess of any real
                  values on the verge of production. In this way, growth
                  and profitability in the financial system can
                  substitute for the impaired growth and profitability
                  of the class-ridden system of actual production. By
                  adding over-<span>financialisation</span>,
                  as it were, to his model of <span>overaccumulation</span>,
                  Harvey means to show how an initial contradiction
                  between production and <span>realisation</span>
                  later �becomes, via the agency of the credit system,
                  an outright antagonism� between the financial system
                  of fictitious values and its monetary base, founded on
                  commodity values. This antagonism then �forms the rock
                  on which accumulation ultimately founders�. In social
                  terms, this will take the form of a contest between
                  creditors and debtors over who is to suffer more
                  devaluation.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The real originality of <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Limits to Capital</span></font></i></i>,
                  however, is to add a new geographical dimension to
                  crisis formation. </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> goes about
                  this via a theory of rent. One effect of the approach
                  is to suggest why property speculation � with its
                  value ultimately tied up in potential rental income �
                  should be such a familiar capitalist perversion (in
                  the psychoanalytic sense of overinvestment in one kind
                  of object). Another is to convert an apparent
                  embarrassment for Marxian theory into a show of
                  strength. The would-be embarrassment lies in the
                  evident difficulty of reconciling a <span>labour</span> theory of value with
                  the price of unimproved land, given that land is
                  obviously not a product of human <span>labour</span>.
                  Harvey�s bold and ingenious solution is to propose
                  that, under capitalism, ground rent � or the
                  proportion of property value attributable to mere
                  location, rather than to anything built or cultivated
                  on the land � becomes a �pure financial asset�. Ground
                  rent, in other words, is a form of fictitious capital,
                  or value created in anticipation of future commodity
                  production: �Like all such forms of fictitious
                  capital, what is traded is a claim on future revenues,
                  which means a claim on future profits from the use of
                  the land or, more directly, a claim on future <span>labour</span>.�</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">From the need to <span>realise</span> ground rent stems
                  capitalism�s whole geography of anxious anticipation.
                  Capital <span>overaccumulated</span>
                  in one place can flow to another which appears to
                  boast better ultimate prospects of profit. Rising land
                  values will shunt capital to new locations, at the
                  same time that the resulting increase in rental costs
                  compels a matching expansion of production, with its
                  accompanying physical and social infrastructure. The
                  relationship between credit and commodities is in this
                  way translated into spatial terms as an uneasy rapport
                  between one kind of capital, highly mobile or liquid,
                  and another kind � �fixed capital embedded in the
                  land� � defined by its inertness. Here, in the latent
                  conflict between migratory finance capital and
                  helplessly stationary complexes of fixed capital,
                  including not only factories and office buildings but
                  roads, houses, schools and so on, </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> has found a
                  contradiction of capitalism overlooked by Marx and his
                  heirs.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The contradiction may look at
                  first like a brilliant solution to the problem of <span>overaccumulation</span>. <span>Overaccumulated</span> capital,
                  whether originating as income from production or as
                  the bank overdrafts that unleash fictitious values,
                  can postpone any immediate crisis of profitability by
                  being drawn off into long-term infrastructural
                  projects, in an operation Harvey calls a �<span>spatio</span>-temporal fix�. Examples
                  on a grand scale would be the British boom in railway
                  construction of the 1820s, the </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Second Empire</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> <span>modernisation</span> of </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Paris</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">, the <span>suburbanisation</span> of the </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">US</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> after World
                  War Two, and the recent international <span>pullulation</span> of commercial and
                  residential towers. In each case, a vast quantity of
                  capital, faced with the question of profitability,
                  could as it were postpone the answer to a remote date,
                  since investments in infrastructure promise such
                  delayed returns. Meanwhile, transformed spatial
                  arrangements swap old trades for new ones � </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> notes that <span>Haussmann�s</span> </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Paris</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> witnessed the
                  extinction of the water-carrier and the advent of the
                  electrician � or <span>rejuvenate</span>
                  existing industries, like the postwar car
                  manufacturers in the </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">US</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">.</span></font></p>

            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Inevitably, the risk is that a
                  given territory, as a complex of fixed capital, comes
                  to prosper thanks to a stream of finance that one day
                  flows elsewhere. A devaluation of the abandoned land
                  along with its �<span>overaccumulated</span>�
                  workers, industries and infrastructure will ensue.
                  This harsh sequel to the spatial fix </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> calls a
                  �switching crisis�, and in something like the climax
                  of <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Limits to
                          Capital</span></font></i></i>, he writes:</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The more the forces of
                  geographical inertia prevail, the deeper will the
                  aggregate crises of capitalism become and the more
                  savage will switching crises have to be to restore the
                  disturbed equilibrium. Local alliances will have to be
                  dramatically <span>reorganised</span>
                  (the rise of Fascism being the most horrible example),
                  technological mixes suddenly altered (incurring
                  massive devaluation of old plant), physical and social
                  infrastructures totally reconstituted (often through a
                  crisis in state expenditures) and the space economy of
                  capitalist production, distribution and consumption
                  totally transformed. The cost of devaluation to both
                  individual capitalists and <span>labourers</span>
                  becomes substantial. Capitalism reaps the savage
                  harvest of its own internal contradictions.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">In <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Enigma of
                          Capital</span></font></i></i> Harvey observes
                  these contradictions sharpening over time, as finance
                  capital becomes ever more mobile while beds of
                  infrastructure grow increasingly Procrustean: �The
                  disjunction of the quest for <span>hypermobility</span>
                  and an increasingly sclerotic built environment (think
                  of the huge amount of fixed capital embedded in Tokyo
                  or New York City) becomes ever more dramatic.�</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">So what then are the �limits to
                  capital�? </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�s answer,
                  disappointing as it is honest, is that a system bent
                  on <span>overaccumulation</span> will
                  not collapse of its own top-heaviness. Should the
                  world market fail to generate the ever increasing
                  surpluses that form its only rationale, it can always
                  enlarge its borders and appropriate new wealth through
                  what Marx called primitive accumulation and what
                  Harvey proposes to call �accumulation by
                  dispossession�, given that the process hardly ceased
                  when the English peasantry was cleared off the land or
                  the Inca Empire looted for its silver. <span>The incorporation into the capitalist
                    domain of non-capitalist territories and
                    populations, the <span>privatisation</span>
                    of public or commonly owned assets, including land,
                    and so on, down to the <span>commodification</span>
                    of indigenous art-forms and the patenting of seeds,
                    offer instances of the accumulation by dispossession
                    that has accompanied capitalism since its inception.</span>
                  This field for gain would be exhausted only with
                  universal <span>commodification</span>,
                  when �every person in every nook and cranny of the
                  world is caught within the orbit of capital.� <span>Even then, the continuous
                    �restructuring of the space economy of capitalism on
                    a global scale still holds out the prospect for a
                    restoration of equilibrium through a <span>reorganisation</span> of the
                    regional parts�.</span> Spatial fixes and switching
                  crises might succeed one another endlessly, in great
                  floods and droughts of capital. Devaluation, being
                  �always on a particular route or at a particular
                  place�, might serially scourge the earth even as
                  capital in general, loyal to no country, remained free
                  to pursue its own advantage.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The real test of </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�s 1982 theory
                  of crisis is how well it serves in the face of the
                  thing itself. <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Enigma of
                          Capital</span></font></i></i> can be read as
                  an effort to meet the challenge. Naturally, its
                  success or failure depends on whether it can offer a
                  more comprehensive and persuasive account than rival
                  theories. On the score of comprehensiveness there can
                  be little doubt that </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�s work and
                  that of other Marxists goes beyond the alternatives.
                  �The idea that the crisis had systemic origins is
                  scarcely mooted in the mainstream media,� </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> writes, and
                  that might be extended to include even the trenchant
                  work of the neo-Keynesians. The crisis, after all, is
                  that of a capitalist system, and no account of it,
                  however searching, can be truly systematic if it
                  neglects to consider property relations: that is, the
                  preponderant ownership of capital by one class, and of
                  little or nothing but its <span>labour</span>
                  power by another.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Paul <span>Krugman</span>,
                  discussing <span>Roubini�s</span> book
                  in the <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">New York Review
                          of Books</span></font></i></i>, agreed with
                  him that what Ben <span>Bernanke</span>
                  called the �global savings glut� lay at the heart of
                  the crisis, behind the proximate follies of
                  deregulation, mortgage-<span>securitisation</span>,
                  <span>excessive</span> leverage and so
                  on. Originating in the current account surpluses of
                  net-exporting countries such as Germany, Japan and
                  China, this great tide of money flooded markets in the
                  US and Western Europe, and floated property and asset
                  values unsustainably. Why was so much capital so badly
                  misallocated? In the <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">LRB</span></font></i></i>
                  of </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">22

                  April 2010</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">, Joseph <span>Stiglitz</span>
                  observed that the savings glut �could equally well be
                  described as an �investment dearth��, reflecting a
                  scarcity of attractive investment opportunities. <span>Stiglitz</span> suggests that global
                  warming mitigation or poverty reduction offers new
                  �opportunities for investments with high social
                  returns�.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The neo-Keynesians� �savings
                  glut� can readily be seen as a case of what a more
                  radical tradition calls <span>overaccumulated</span>
                  capital. But it is the broader and more systematic
                  Marxist perspective that ultimately and properly
                  contains Keynesianism within it, and a crude Marxist
                  catechism may be in order. Where does an excess of
                  savings come from? <span>From unpaid <span>labour</span> � for example, that
                    of Chinese or German workers.</span> And why would
                  such funds inflate asset bubbles rather than create
                  useful investment? <span>Because
                    capital pursues not �high social returns�, but high
                    private returns.</span> And why should these have
                  proved difficult to achieve, except by financial
                  shell-games? Keynesians complain of an insufficiency
                  of aggregate demand, restraining investment. The
                  Marxist will simply add that this bespeaks inadequate
                  wages, in the index of a class struggle going the way
                  of owners rather than workers.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">In <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Enigma of
                          Capital</span></font></i></i>, Harvey
                  coincides with other Marxists in locating the origins
                  of the present crisis in the troubles of the 1970s,
                  when the so-called Golden Age of capitalism following
                  the Second World War � blessed with high rates of
                  profitability, productivity, wage growth and expansion
                  of output � gave way to what Brenner named �the long
                  downturn� after 1973. Brenner argued in <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Economics of Global Turbulence</span></font></i></i>
                  that this long downturn, with deeper recessions and
                  weaker expansions across every business cycle,
                  reflects chronic overcapacity � another variety of <span>overaccumulation</span> � in
                  international manufacturing, a condition brought about
                  by the maturation of Japanese and German industry by
                  the end of the 1960s, and later compounded by the <span>industrialisation</span> of </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">East Asia</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">. As
                  competition to supply export markets increased faster
                  than those markets expanded, the price of
                  international <span>tradeables</span>
                  naturally fell, reducing both the profits of
                  manufacturers and the wages paid to workers. Such
                  impaired profitability moreover discouraged further
                  investment in production, so that finance capital
                  turned increasingly to speculation in asset values.
                  Yet this view, however formidably presented, doesn�t
                  appear to have won general assent. </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">, content to
                  follow Brenner elsewhere, inclines towards a more
                  conventional profit-squeeze explanation of the crisis
                  of the early 1970s.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">About the sequel to that crisis
                  there is <span>less dispute</span>.
                  Whether or not high wages had undermined
                  profitability, a subsequent effort to curb wages,
                  carried out at gunpoint in the Southern Cone in the
                  mid-1970s, and achieved by ballot under Thatcher and
                  Reagan before spreading to other wealthy countries,
                  eventually resulted in a systemic shortage of demand.
                  In this way, capital�s victory over <span>labour</span> set the stage for a
                  later reversal. In <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Enigma of
                          Capital</span></font></i></i>, </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> charts the
                  dialectical switch in the blunt style he now <span>favours</span>:</span></font></p>
            <p><span><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Labour</span></font></span><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> availability
                  is no problem now for capital, and it has not been for
                  the last 25 years. But disempowered <span>labour</span> means low wages, and
                  impoverished workers do not constitute a vibrant
                  market. Persistent wage repression therefore poses the
                  problem of lack of demand for the expanding output of
                  capitalist corporations. One barrier to capital
                  accumulation � the <span>labour</span>
                  question � is overcome at the expense of creating
                  another � lack of a market. So how <span>could this second barrier</span> be
                  circumvented?</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">The lack of demand was of
                  course appeased by recourse to fictitious capital:
                  �The gap between what <span><span>labour</span></span> was earning and
                  what it could spend was covered by the rise of the
                  credit card industry and increasing indebtedness.� It
                  was not only consumers who indentured themselves. As
                  Bellamy Foster and <span>Magdoff</span>
                  point out in <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Great
                          Financial Crisis</span></font></i></i>, total
                </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">US</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> debt, owed by
                  government, corporations and <span>individuals,</span>
                  <span>equalled</span> approximately
                  125% of American GDP during the 1970s. By the
                  mid-1980s the proportion had increased to two to one,
                  and by 2005 stood at almost three and a half to one.
                  Much of the cheap credit, originating in </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">East Asia</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> and flowing
                  through the Federal Reserve, came to promote a
                  property bubble of historic dimensions. �The demand
                  problem,� </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> writes, �was
                  temporarily bridged with respect to housing by
                  debt-financing the developers as well as the buyers.
                  The financial institutions collectively controlled <span>both the</span> supply of, and demand
                  for, housing!�</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">It can�t be said that </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> comes late to
                  <span>recognising</span> the housing
                  bubble�s absurdity. In <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The New
                          Imperialism</span></font></i></i>, from 2003,
                  he recapitulated his theory of the spatial fix, and
                  warned that while some spatial fixes ultimately
                  relieve crises through the elaboration of new physical
                  and social infrastructure, others merely postpone
                  them. After listing several of the more spectacular
                  property-market collapses of the long downturn
                  (worldwide in 1973-75; Japanese in 1990; Thai and
                  Indonesian in 1997), </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> added that</span></font></p>

            <p><span><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">the</span></font></span><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> most
                  important prop to the </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">US</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> and British
                  economies after the onset of general recession in all
                  other sectors from mid-2001 onwards was the continued
                  speculative <span>vigour</span> in the
                  property and housing markets and construction. In a
                  curious backwash effect, we find that some 20 per cent
                  of GDP growth in the United States in 2002 was
                  attributable to consumers refinancing their mortgage
                  debt on the inflated values of their housing and using
                  the extra money they gained for immediate consumption
                  (in effect, mopping up <span>overaccumulating</span>
                  capital in the primary circuit). British consumers
                  borrowed $19 billion in the third quarter of 2002
                  alone against the value of their mortgages to finance
                  consumption. What happens if and when this property
                  bubble bursts is a matter for serious concern.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Not only Americans and Britons
                  but the Irish, Spanish and <span>Emiratis</span>
                  live today among the ruins of a broken spatial fix.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">What, if any, switching crisis
                  does this presage? To keep things simple, imagine the
                  world economy of recent years as consisting of two
                  capitalist countries � represented by the </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">US</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> and </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">China</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> � in both of
                  which the working class, employed or unemployed,
                  received too little of the total product for capital
                  not to <span>overaccumulate</span> and
                  risk massive devaluation. Chinese workers, deprived by
                  wage repression and social insecurity (such as lack of
                  health insurance) of the opportunity to consume much
                  of their own output, saw the wealth accumulated
                  through their <span>labour</span> go,
                  in the form of their own savings and the income of
                  their bosses, towards the construction of new
                  productive capacity in their own country and a
                  property boom in the other country. Both the new
                  factories at home, turning out exports for the </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">US</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">, and the
                  deliriously appreciating houses abroad rested on the
                  premise of continuously rising American incomes. But
                  among Americans, wage growth had ceased and household
                  incomes could no longer be supplemented by the mass
                  entry of women into the workforce, something already
                  accomplished. The issuance and <span>securitisation</span>
                  of debt alone could substitute for present income. But
                  in the end so much fictitious capital could not be
                  redeemed. Whatever the destination of future Chinese
                  savings gluts, they can no longer sponsor American
                  consumption in the same way.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">In his final book, <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Adam Smith in Beijing</span></font></i></i>
                  (2007), the late Giovanni <span>Arrighi</span>
                  expanded on </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�s concepts of
                  the spatial fix and the switching crisis to survey
                  half a millennium of capitalist development and to
                  peer into a new, probably Chinese century. In <span>Arrighi�s</span> scheme of capitalist
                  history, there had been four �systemic cycles of
                  accumulation�, each lasting roughly a century and each
                  <span>organised</span> on a larger
                  scale than the one before, with a new polity at the
                  centre: a Genoese-Iberian cycle; a Dutch cycle; a
                  British cycle; and an American one. A systemic cycle�s
                  first phase, of material expansion, came to an end
                  when the central power had accumulated more capital
                  than established trade and production could absorb.
                  This was followed by a second, financial phase of
                  expansion in which capital <span>overaccumulated</span>
                  at the centre of the system promoted a new nucleus of
                  growth. Ultimately the rising centre came to finance
                  the expenditures, often on war, that the old and now
                  declining centre could no longer cover out of its mere
                  income.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">It fits <span>Arrighi�s</span>
                  scheme that the </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">US</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">, having
                  (along with the Chinese <span>diaspora</span>)
                  once led international capital onto the Asian
                  mainland, had now become dependent on Chinese credit.
                  For him, this announced the greatest switching crisis
                  of all time, as </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">China</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> prepared to
                  assume the hegemonic role being reluctantly
                  relinquished by the </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">US</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">, and to
                  inaugurate a new cycle of accumulation. Such a
                  succession might ideally yield a new commonwealth of <span>civilisations</span>, in which
                  capitalism as we know it gave way to what <span>Arrighi</span> somewhat hazily
                  envisaged as a non-capitalist market economy
                  recuperating old Chinese traditions of self-<span>centred</span> development. One
                  condition of this happy scenario was that the </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">US</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> <span>abandon</span> its armed imperialism
                  and </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">China</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> remain
                  committed to its �peaceful rise�; another, that the
                  Chinese pioneer a green mode of growth distinct from
                  �the Western, capital intensive, energy consuming
                  path�. Otherwise inter-imperial war, the ultimate
                  means of competitive devaluation in <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Limits to Capital</span></font></i></i>,
                  loomed once more.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">In the recently published <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Ecological Rift: Capitalism�s War on
                          the Earth</span></font></i></i>, John Bellamy
                  Foster and his Marxist co-authors refer to the
                  identification by a group of scientists, including the
                  leading American climatologist James Hansen, of nine
                  �planetary boundaries� that <span>civilisation</span>
                  transgresses at its peril.<a href="http://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n03/benjamin-kunkel/how-much-is-too-much/print#fn-04%23fn-04" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">[4]</a> Already three
                  � concentrations of carbon in the atmosphere, loss of
                  nitrogen from the soil and the extinction of other
                  species � have been exceeded. These are impediments to
                  endless capital accumulation that future crisis
                  theories will have to reckon with. </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�s intuition
                  of the ultimate demise of capitalism has also taken on
                  an ecological <span>colouring</span>.
                  �Compound growth for ever� � historically, for
                  capitalism at about 3 per cent a year � �is not
                  possible,� he declares in <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Enigma of
                          Capital</span></font></i></i>, without much
                  elaboration. The classical economists long ago foresaw
                  that an economy defined by constant expansion would
                  one day give way to what John Stuart Mill called the
                  �stationary state�. The idea has gained a new currency
                  in Marxist writing of recent years, and in its
                  contemporary version tends to locate the limits to
                  growth in the depletion of natural resources or in the
                  exhaustion of productivity gains as the share of
                  manufacturing in the world economy shrinks and that of
                  services expands. Of course, peak oil or soil
                  exhaustion might easily coincide with faltering
                  productivity. </span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Harvey</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"> doesn�t spell
                  out why growth must have a stop, and the outlines of
                  an ecologically stable and politically democratic
                  future socialism remain as blurry in his later work as
                  they do almost everywhere else. At the moment Marxism
                  seems better prepared to interpret the world than to
                  change it. But the first achievement is at least due
                  wider recognition, which with the next crisis, or
                  subsequent spasm of the present one, it may begin to
                  receive.</span></font></p>
            <p class="MsoNormal"><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"></span></font><font color="#3366cc" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 102, 204); font-family: Georgia;"></span></font><font color="#3366cc" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 102, 204); font-family: Georgia;"></span></font><span><span style="width: 621px; min-height: 88px;"><img src="https://mail.google.com/mail/?ui=2&amp;ik=27be8f0599&amp;view=att&amp;th=12deab08ecf009c6&amp;attid=0.1.1&amp;disp=emb&amp;zw" height="88" width="621"></span></span><font color="#3366cc" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 102, 204); font-family: Georgia;"><a href="http://ads.lrb.co.uk/www/delivery/ck.php?oaparams=2__bannerid=37__zoneid=11__source=%2F8%2FBRAND%2FIN%2FRW%2F__cb=43a5b9c4f8__oadest=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.lrb.co.uk%2FFotFba01GL" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"></span></font><font face="Times New
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                        reading this free essay from the <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">London Review of Books.
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            <p class="MsoNormal"><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">�</span></font></p>
            <p class="MsoNormal"><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"><img src="http://www.mailscanner.info/images/1x1spacer.gif" width="1" height="1" alt="Web Bug from https://mail.google.com/mail/?ui=2&ik=27be8f0599&view=att&th=12deab08ecf009c6&attid=0.1.2&disp=emb&zw" /></span></font></p>

            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"><a href="http://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n03/benjamin-kunkel/how-much-is-too-much/print#fn-ref-01%23fn-ref-01" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">[1]</a> <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Crisis Economics: A Crash Course in
                          the Future of Finance</span></font></i></i>,
                  by <span>Nouriel</span> <span>Roubini</span> and Stephen <span>Mihm</span> (</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">Allen Lane</span></font><font color="#333333" face="Georgia"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;">, 368 pp.,
                  �25, May 2010, 978 1 8461 4287 1).</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"><a href="http://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n03/benjamin-kunkel/how-much-is-too-much/print#fn-ref-02%23fn-ref-02" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">[2]</a> <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">The Great Financial Crisis: Causes
                          and Consequences</span></font></i></i>, by
                  John Bellamy Foster and Fred <span>Magdoff</span>
                  (Monthly Review, 144 pp., �10.95, January 2009, 978 1
                  583 67184 9).</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"><a href="http://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n03/benjamin-kunkel/how-much-is-too-much/print#fn-ref-03%23fn-ref-03" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">[3]</a> In his 1865
                  lecture on �Value, Price and Profit�, Marx illustrated
                  luxury consumption as money �wasted on flunkeys,
                  horses, cats and so forth�. It is some measure of
                  progress that the general population can now afford to
                  feed their cats.</span></font></p>
            <p><font color="#333333" face="Georgia" size="3"><span style="font-size: 12pt; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: Georgia;"><a href="http://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n03/benjamin-kunkel/how-much-is-too-much/print#fn-ref-04%23fn-ref-04" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">[4]</a> <i><i><font face="Georgia"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">Monthly Review</span></font></i></i>,
                  544 pp., �14.95, January, 978 1 58367 218 1.</span></font></p>
            <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><font face="Arial" size="2"><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: Arial;">�</span></font></p>
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