[P2P-F] Fwd: [NetworkedLabour] Marcel vd Linden: The Crisis of World Labour

Sat Jun 6 18:03:36 CEST 2015

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From: peter waterman <peterwaterman1936 at gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Jun 6, 2015 at 9:09 PM
Subject: [NetworkedLabour] Marcel vd Linden: The Crisis of World Labour
To: Debate is a listserve that attempts to promote information and analyses
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*Peter sez...*

*There is so much I appreciate and agree with, and so little that I do not,
that I will have to take detailed issue with this important essay
elsewhere. For my own recent take on the international union organisations
and labour internationalism, however, see
https://www.dropbox.com/home?preview=IronCage4IFace221114.rtf
<https://www.dropbox.com/home?preview=IronCage4IFace221114.rtf>.*

*Now read on...*

[image: Solidarity]
Published on *Solidarity* (https://solidarity-us.org/site)

Against the Current <https://solidarity-us.org/site/epublish/1> > May/June
2015, No. 176 <https://solidarity-us.org/site/epublish/1/132> > The Crisis
of World Labor <https://solidarity-us.org/site/node/4424> > The Crisis of
World Labor
------------------------------
The Crisis of World Labor
 — Marcel van der Linden

BOTH THE SIZE and composition of the world working class have changed
dramatically over the past four decades. But these massive shifts are not
reflected in the strength of workers’ organizations.

In what was traditionally called the global South, capital accumulation has
resulted in the fast growth of the number of wage-earners in industry,
building, services, and transport. A recent International Labor
Organization (ILO) study revealed that in the period 1980-2005, the labor
force in the Middle East and North Africa region had grown by 149%. In
Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean it had roughly doubled,
in South Asia it had increased by 73%, and in East and South East Asia by
60%. (Kapsos 2007)

Simultaneously, enormous shifts are taking place within separate regions.
An historic migration from the countryside to swelling megacities is under
way. In 2000, the Chinese Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security
estimated that there were 113 million migrant workers in the country. Ten
years later that number had more than doubled to 240 million, including 150
million working outside their home areas. Of those 150 million about 72%
were employed in manufacturing, construction, food and beverage, wholesale
and retail industries, and hospitality. (CLB 2012: 4)

In India, internal labor migration has exploded since the 1990s, the
temporary and seasonal migration rate being highest in poor regions like
Nagaland and Madya Pradesh. (Bhagat/Mohanty 2009)

Such shifts are often accompanied by an intensification of social
struggles. In Indonesia, the Konfederasi Serikat Pekerja Indonesia
(Indonesian Trade Union Confederation) organized a national strike on 3
October 2012, and a second one — demanding a 50% increase of the minimum
wage — on October 31 and November 1, 2013. These were not truly general
strikes, but they nevertheless were joined by many hundreds of thousands of
workers, especially in the Jakarta region. (International Viewpoint, 4
November 2013)

In India, on 20 and 21 February 2013, over 100 million workers across the
country struck for a list of demands including a living wage indexed to
inflation, universal food security, and equal pay for equal work.
(International Viewpoint, 2 March 2013) In China, the labor shortages that
began to emerge from 2004, led to a rapid growth of workers’ protests,
which have “not only increased in number but have shifted focus from a
reactive response to labour rights violations towards more proactive
demands for higher wages and improved working conditions.” (CLB 2012: 5)

The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences reported that there were more than
60,000 so-called ‘mass incidents’ (popular protests) in 2006 and over
80,000 in 2007. Since then, official figures have no longer been published
but experts believe that in recent years the number has further increased.
(CLB 2012: 9)

Following the beginning of the economic crisis more than thirty national
strikes occurred in Greece, while Spain and Portugal saw several general
strikes, including bi- and multi-national ones. The dramatic overthrow of
the Mubarak dictatorship in Egypt in 2011 could not have happened without
the labor movement’s strong support.(Beinin 2011) And in South Africa
massive and often violent strikes follow one another rapidly.

There is, however, a fundamental problem. The militancy of the workers has
not yet been consolidated in strong organizations. In fact, “old-style”
labor is in decline, and fundamental changes will be necessary before a
vibrant transnational union movement can be built.
The State of the Unions

The surest sign of organized working-class formation is the development of
trade unions and similar interest groups. Independent mass trade unions had
their origin in the 19th century, and exist today in large parts of the
world — although there are also major regions where they have almost no
influence.

The most striking example of a fast-growing capitalist economy without
independent trade unions is the People’s Republic of China. It hosts the
world’s largest workers’ organization, the All-China Federation of Trade
Unions (ACFTU) with 230 million members. This is not an independent union,
but rather a transmission belt for the Chinese Communist Party. Most of the
numerous labour conflicts in the People’s Republic take place not with the
support of, but despite the ACFTU. (Bai 2012)

The China Labour Bulletin calls the ACFTU “something of a lost cause at
present. In general, it lacks the tools and the strategies needed for a
timely and effective response to workers’ initiatives and is out of touch
with the realities of labour relations in China today.” (CLB 2014: 38)

In countries with independent workers’ organizations union density (union
members as percentage of the total labor force) generally has been
declining. Table 1 reconstructs the trends in 13 countries for the period
1920-2010. In 11 cases the high point lies in the past (between 1950 and
1990), although the situation is relatively stable in Canada and Norway. In
nine cases we can observe a clear downward trend.

The table might give the impression that the situation is more promising in
India or Indonesia. But remembering that union density is calculated for
the formal economy, which in the case of India for example covers about 8%
of the labor force, a union density of 41% thus boils down to 3.2% of the
total work force.

On a global scale union density is almost insignificant. Independent trade
unions organize only a small percentage of their target group worldwide,
and the majority of them live in the relatively wealthy North Atlantic
region.

By far the most important global umbrella organization is the International
Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), founded in 2006 as a merger of two older
organizations, the secular reform-oriented International Confederation of
Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the Christian World Confederation of Labor
(WCL).

In 2014 the ITUC estimated that about 200 million workers worldwide belong
to trade unions, and that 176 million of these are organized in the ITUC,(1)
<https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#N1> while the total number of
workers is roughly 2.9 billion (1.2 billion of them in the informal
economy). Therefore, global union density currently amounts to no more than
7%! (ITUC 2014: 8)

Quite a few factors contribute to this weakness. First, the composition of
the working class is changing. Unions find it difficult to organize
employees in the service or financial sector. The rapidly growing informal
economy is complicating things further, since workers change jobs
frequently, and have to earn their income under often very precarious
conditions.

Another important factor is what labor economist Richard Freeman has called
the “labor supply shock” that has manifested itself since the early 1990s.
Through the entry of Chinese, Indian, Russian and other workers into the
global economy, there has been an effective doubling of the number of
workers producing for international markets over the past two decades.

A decline in the global capital/labor ratio shifts the balance of power in
markets away from wages paid to workers and toward capital, as more workers
compete for working with that capital. [...] Even considering the high
savings rate in the new entrants — the World Bank estimates that China has
a savings rate of 40% of GDP — it will take 30 or so years for the world to
re-attain the capital/labor ratio among the countries that had previously
made up the global economy. Having twice as many workers and nearly the
same amount of capital places great pressure on labor markets throughout
the world. This pressure will affect workers in the developing countries
who had traditionally participated in the global economy, as well as
workers in advanced countries. (Freeman 2010)

Secondly, significant economic shifts have taken place. The growth of
foreign direct investment in the core countries and the semi-periphery of
the world economy has been impressive, and transnational corporations and
multi-state trading blocs (EU, NAFTA, Mercosur, etc.) have multiplied.
Brazil, India and especially China are important new players who change the
rules of the game. This is accompanied by new supranational institutions,
such as the World Trade Organization, established in 1995.

Thirdly, the old-style unions have to face more and more competition from
alternative structures. In Brazil, South Africa, the Philippines or South
Korea new, often militant, workers’ movements (social movement unions) have
emerged. (Scipes 2014) New forms of rank-and-file trade unionism outside
the established channels appeared since the 1970s, with international
connections at the shop-floor level “bypassing altogether the secretariats,
which they see as too often beholden to the bureaucracies of their various
national affiliates.” (Herod 1997: 184)

A well-known example is the Transnational Information Exchange (TIE), a
center in which a substantial number of research and activist labor groups
exchange information on TNCs. Another example is the “counter foreign
policy” existing since the early 1980s in the AFL-CIO. (Spalding 1992) I
should also mention the increasing number of activities carried out by
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that should in theory be the
responsibility of the international trade union movement, such as the
struggle to regulate and abolish child labor.

The ineffectiveness of old-style unions is underlined by the growing
tendency on the part of Global Unions (formerly called international trade
secretariats) to engage in the direct recruitment of members in the
periphery. Think, for example, of the activities of the Union Network
International (the Global Union for the service sector) relating to IT
specialists in India. (Süddeutsche Zeitung, 8-9 September 2001)
The Fate of Workers’ Parties

Another expression of class formation is political in nature. Labor, Social
Democratic, and Communist parties are generally considered to be political
representatives of the working class.

The oldest parties, the Social Democratic and Labor parties, electorally
are not doing very well. Most reached their apex between 1940 and 1989;
Switzerland was earlier (1930s), while Portugal was later (early 21st
century). The only exception (until recently) is the Brazilian Partido dos
Trabalhadores.(2) <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#N2>

More important is though, that this family of parties is struggling with a
fundamental identity problem. Social Democratic and Labor policies have
since the 1930s-40s been based on two pillars: social Keynesianism and a
specific “red” party subculture with its own sports associations, women’s
clubs, organizations for nature lovers, consumer cooperatives, newspapers,
theatre groups, and the like.

The sociocultural and economic reversal since the 1960s-70s toppled both
“pillars.” The parties’ subcultural networks fell to pieces and social
Keynesianism became less feasible. A great many challenges had to be met
more or less simultaneously. Traditional centralism had to be reconciled
with basic democratic movements and feminism with the conventional
androcentric culture.

Moreover, the environmental movement needed to be taken seriously without
abandoning the pursuit of economic growth (the condition for social
redistribution in a capitalist context). Generalized confusion resulted in
a tremendous increase of floating voters; ageing and decreasing membership
numbers; and the virtual disappearance of active proletarian members.

Paradoxically, this loss of identity explains the explosive growth of the
umbrella organization, the Socialist International. Since the 1970s the
number of countries with SI members has more than doubled. This is
especially remarkable since the membership of the SI was rather stable
during the preceding decades. In the years 1951-1976 the number of
affiliated parties had always fluctuated between 34 (at the foundation in
Frankfurt) and 39. (van der Linden 2006)

Most of the parties which joined the SI after 1976 did not fit the
organization´s old profile. Before the mid-1970s nobody would have
considered ex-guerilla movements like the Popular Movement for the
Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the Sandinista National Liberation Front
(FSLN), or the autocratic Democratic Action in Venezuela as Social
Democratic parties. Such organisations could find a home within the SI
because its profile was fading.

This dilution became official when the SI adopted a new “Declaration of
Principles” at the 18th Congress in Stockholm in 1989, which acknowledges
the existence of “differences” in members´ “cultures and ideologies” but
emphasizes at the same time that the SI´s core values (peace, freedom,
justice and solidarity) “originate in the labour movement, popular
liberation movements, cultural traditions of mutual assistance, and
communal solidarity in many parts of the world.” (
www.socialistinternational.org/4Principles)

In short, the Socialist International could grow so dramatically only
because the classical Social Democratic parties were in a deep identity
crisis.

Communist parties are the second major political form. The large majority
of them were born or grew significantly in three waves: during the five
years from mid-1918 to 1923, in the aftermath of the October Revolution; in
the 1930s, as a response to the economic depression; and immediately after
the Second World War.

Some parties still have a rather solid, be it often small, base, such as
the ones in Portugal, Spain, and Greece. These parties all developed under
right-wing dictatorships and are characterized by their intransigence .
Similarly, the influential South African Communist Party still has a
significant influence on the politics of the African National Congress.

But for most parties the high point was in the 1940s. Now, in quite a few
countries the parties have been dissolved after electoral decline, splits
or financial bankruptcy. This has for example been the case in Britain
(dissolved 1991), Italy (disbanded 1991), Finland (bankrupt 1992), Brazil
(internal coup and split, 1992). Other parties have gone through mergers,
e.g. in Mexico (founding of the Unified Socialist Party, 1981), Denmark
(formation of the Red-Green Alliance in 1989) and in the Netherlands
(founding of the Green Left Party in 1989).

Even the CPI-M (the Communist Party of India Marxist) in West-Bengal, which
got a majority of the votes in a whole series of elections (1971, 1980,
1989-2004) has now been reduced to a minor player (two out of 42 seats!)
because of its violent neoliberal policies.
Causes of Trade Unionism’s Weakness

My hypothesis is that both old-style trade-unionism and old-style workers’
parties as described above can no longer cope with the challenges offered
by the contemporary world. Globalization and neoliberal challenges require
new policies and practices that they apparently cannot offer. Hence their
crisis. Here, I will only try to substantiate this critique for the unions,
not for the parties (this I’ve partly done in van der Linden 2003: 95-116).
(3) <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#N3>

I see at least two major difficulties. For a start, the historical
trajectory of trade unions is, like that of other organizations, to a
significant extent shaped by their founding moment. As Arthur Stinchcombe
observed half a century ago:

“The organizational inventions that can be made at a particular time in
history depend on the social technology available at the time.
Organizations which have purposes that can be efficiently reached with the
socially possible organizational forms tend to be founded during the period
in which they become possible. Then, both because they can function
effectively with these organizational forms, and because these forms tend
to become institutionalized, the basic structure of the organization tends
to remain relatively stable.” (Stinchcombe 1965: 153; also Scoville 1973:
74)

Early trade unions in Europe and North America were mostly the creations of
highly skilled male white workers, who had only one boss at the same time,
were relatively powerful on the shop floor, and attempted to establish
collective bargaining. This proved to be an exceptionally successful model
that later on also inspired other sections of the working classes (women,
Blacks, low-skilled).

It became the norm for trade unions across the globe. But the specific
historic context in which this model had been constructed was forgotten, so
that “a naïve belief in the universal applicability of some form of
collective bargaining’”(Sturmthal 1973: 5) became more or less universal.
Adolf Sturmthal (1973: 9) listed a series of conditions for “a genuine
collective bargaining system,” including “a legal and political system
permitting the existence and functioning of reasonably free labor
organizations” and the requirement that “unions be more or less stable,
reasonably well organized, and fairly evenly matched with the employers in
bargaining strength.” However:

“Effective unions have rarely if ever been organized by ‘non-committed’
workers, i.e. casual workers who change jobs frequently, return
periodically to their native village, and have no specific industrial
skill, even of a very simple kind. Yet even fully committed industrial
workers with little or no skill are capable of engaging in effective
collective bargaining only under certain conditions which are rarely found.
In most (though by no means all) newly industrializing countries, large
excess supplies of common labor are available for nonagricultural work. Not
only are unskilled workers rarely capable of forming unions of their own
under such conditions; if they succeed in doing so, their unions have
little or no bargaining power.” (Sturmthal 1973: 10)

This is probably the crux of the matter. In the advanced capitalist
countries, standard employment relations that had become dominant in the
1940s-70s are gradually broken down, while casual and informal labor was
always the norm in Africa, Asia and Latin America. (van der Linden 2014;
Breman/van der Linden 2014)

Another difficulty is that old-style trade unions, having also become more
or less ingrained with the nation-states where they originated, find it
very difficult to cope with the transnationalization of capital.
Globalization has stimulated new forms of cross-border organizing that
challenge traditional organizational models.

Already in the mid-1960s the growing influence of TNCs stimulated the
setting up of World Corporation Councils, notably in the chemical and
automobile industries. Although many trade union militants had high
expectations of these new bodies, their effectiveness has been rather less
than anticipated, owing to the conflicting interests of employees in
different countries. (Tudyka 1986; Bendiner 1987; Olle/Schoeller 1987)

The formation of trading blocs implied a certain equalization of legal and
political parameters, so that the building of transnational trade union
structures within each bloc was an obvious step. This collaboration is
usually not evolving primarily at the top level of national trade-union
confederations, but at the sub-national or branch level. In many cases,
institutions other than trade unions (such as religious and human rights
organizations) are also partners in projects of this kind. Examples include
the 1980s Coalition for Justice in the Maquiladores, the Comité Frontizero
de Obreras, and La Mujer Obrera. (Armbruster 1995: 80-2; Borgers 1996:
81-5; Carr 1999)

Equally worthy of note in this context is the Council of Ford Workers,
founded by the United Auto Workers (Bina/Davis 1993: 165-6). Joint actions
against TNCs by trade unions representing particular occupations in
different countries (e.g. coal miners, electrical workers) have become much
more frequent over the past two decades as well. (Herod 1995: 342;
Armbruster 1995)

When the French car-maker Renault announced the closure of its Belgian
factory in February 1997, solidarity strikes and demonstrations were
organized in France, Spain, Portugal and Slovenia, giving birth to the new
term “Euro-strike.” (Imig/Tarrow 2001) While trade unions support such
actions, they frequently do not play a leading role in them.

According to Stinchcombe (1965: 154), “an examination of the history of
almost any type of organization shows that there are great spurts of
foundation of organizations of the type, followed by periods of relatively
slower growth, perhaps to be followed by new spurts, generally of a
fundamentally different kind of organization in the same field.” It might
well be, that the great spurt of old-style unions has by now almost
exhausted itself and that a next spurt with a new type of unionism is “in
the air.”(4) <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#N4>
Prospects for Revitalized Transnational Unionism

What are the challenges that a renewed trade unionism will have to face?
First, it will have to develop a clear vision of where to go.
Revitalization requires convincing policy proposals expressing solidarity
between different segments of the working class within and between
countries and continents.

Second, there is the changing composition of the world working class. Until
now workers’ organizations of OECD countries have dominated the
International Trade Union Confederation. But their share in the world labor
force is shrinking. More and more wage-earners live in Asia, Africa, and
Latin America. And an increasing proportion of these workers is female
(Table 2).
More than 40% of the world working class (1.2 of 2.9 billion employees) is
active in the informal economy, and they have virtually no presence in the
old-style union movements.

New forms of trade unionism will have to target this changing working
class. The first-phase demarcation of the working classes was extremely
narrow and eurocentric, and needs to be revised and expanded. (Antunes
2013: 80-95) There can be no doubt that the newly defined target group
should no longer be dominated by white male workers in the North Atlantic
region, but by women and people of color, many in forms of hidden
wage-labor, precarious jobs, or debt bondage. Trade unions in the periphery
and semi-periphery are sometimes abandoning the old demarcations, and have
begun to recruit all kinds of “non-traditional” workers.

A broadened definition of the target group will necessarily lead to a
drastic change of unions’ operational systems, in order to assist these
workers to further their interests effectively. This also implies ending
the strong emphasis on collective bargaining strategies.(Hensman 2001) It’s
quite possible that mutualist arrangements should be given priority in many
cases, that is organizational forms focusing on mutual insurance against
sickness, disability, and unemployment that were so prominent in 18th- and
19th-century European and North American labor movements. (van der Linden
2008: 109-31)

Much can probably be learned from the “occupational unionism” that preceded
the industrial unionism of the 20th century. (Cobble/Vosko 2000) Jeffrey
Harrod sees “the beginnings of collective organisations aimed at materially
improving conditions but not based directly on work and production
factors.” He mentions, for example, “extra-economic” networks of unemployed
Japanese youths whose social activity is centered on internet cafes; and
Indian groups of casual workers pressuring the state for greater
protection. (Harrod 2014: 13-14)

Some old-style unions already try to open up to such developments, albeit
hesitantly. In Italy, the trade-union confederations CGIL and CISL have
created special structures for the representation of “atypical” workers;
and the Austrian employees’ union GPA now also enrolls “dependent
self-employed workers.” (Cella 2012: 180)

A final necessary change concerns organizational structures and cultures.
First, the dual structure of the international trade union movement —
collaboration of national confederations plus Global Unions — is a
problematic relic of the past and likely to be discarded. Probably the best
option would be a new unitary structure facilitating the inclusion of the
“new” target groups in the international trade secretariats.

Second, the somewhat autocratic approach prevailing in the present-day
international trade union movement will need to be replaced by a democratic
approach, and greater participation of the rank-and-file workers. The
possibilities offered by the internet are a positive contribution to a
renewed structure of this kind. (Lee 1997)

Third and most importantly, new methods of collective action, especially
across borders, have to be deployed. While lobbying governments and
transnational organizations has to date been the principal activity of the
international trade union movement (with the notable exception of the
anti-apartheid campaign of the 1980s), and efforts are made to cultivate
the good will of states (Greenfield 1989), effective action requires much
greater effort in active measures such as boycotts, strikes, and so on,
which in turn demands a substantial strengthening of the internal
structures.

As Dimitris Stevis (1998: 66) has rightly observed, international labor
organizations are “not simply sleeping giants, but fundamentally weak
intersocietal federations.”

The question is whether the existing international trade union movement can
meet these challenges. It is likely that a new spurt in union development
will be a difficult process, interspersed with failed experiments and
moments of deep crisis. Organizational structures and patterns of behavior
that have existed for over a century are not easily changed.

Moreover, it is highly unlikely that new structures and patterns will be
shaped through reforms from above, through the central leadership. If there
is one thing that history has taught us, it is that trade union structures
almost never develop smoothly by means of piecemeal engineering. They are
generally the outcome of conflicts and risky experiments.

Pressure from below through competitive networks, alternative action
models, etc. will be a highly important factor in deciding that outcome.
What forms those pressures will take, and whether they will be sufficient
to bring about major changes, no one can say yet with any certainty.
Notes

   1. This calculation is probably misleading. A significant, but unknown,
   part of the union membership consists of pensioners.
   back to text <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#R1>
   2. The PT’s success could be a statistical artifact. Between 2000 and
   2009 there have been two elections for the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies.
   In 2002 the PT achieved its highest result ever (18.4%), but the average
   for the decennium was lowered by the bad result of 2006 (15.0%). While PT
   won 16.9% of the vote in 2010, in the 2014 election their vote for the
   Chamber of Deputies fell to 14.0%.
   back to text <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#R2>
   3. The chances that successful new workers’ parties will be established
   soon seem rather slim. Eric Hobsbawm once famously pointed out, that
   workers’ parties with a mass following emerged mainly in one specific
   historical period, namely between the 1880s and the 1930s. “These parties,
   or their lineal successors, are still in being and often influential, but
   where they did not already exist, or the influence of socialists/communists
   was significant in labor movements before World War II, hardly any such
   parties have emerged out of the working classes since then, notably in the
   so-called `Third World.’” (Hobsbawm 1984: 60) The most important
   exception to this rule was the founding of the Workers’ Party in Brazil in
   1980, which gained a significant following. It is not possible to exclude
   the possibility that the Brazilian experience will be repeated in other
   places, but at the moment there are no grounds for assuming that this will
   happen. For now it seems that trade unions will have to rely entirely on
   their own strength.
   back to text <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#R3>
   4. Perhaps we could consider this whole process as an example of “the
   handicap of a headstart” or of uneven and combined development. See van der
   Linden 2007.
   back to text <https://solidarity-us.org/site/print/4424#R4>

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May-June 2015, ATC 176
   ------------------------------
*Source URL:* https://solidarity-us.org/site/node/4424

   1. 2014. From Coldwar Communism to the Global Justice Movement:
   Itinerary of a Long-Distance Internationalist.
   <http://snuproject.wordpress.com/2015/01/02/1987-e-reader-ed-by-peter-waterman-on-labour-social-movements-and-internationalism-the-old-internationalism-and-the-new/>http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism
   _to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/
   <http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism_to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/>
(Free).

   2. 2014. Interface Journal Special (Co-Editor), December 2014. 'Social
   Movement Internationalisms'. (Free).
   <http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/>
* <http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/>*
   3. 2014. 'The Networked Internationalism of Labour's Others', in Jai Sen
   (ed), Peter Waterman (co-ed), The Movement of Movements:
   <http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/the_movements_of_movements/>Struggles
   for Other Worlds  (Part I).
   <http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/the_movements_of_movements/> (10 Euros).
4. 2012. EBook: Recovering Internationalism
   <http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/recovering_internationalism/>.  [A
   compilation of papers from the new millenium. Now free in two download
   formats]
   5. 2013. EBook (co-editor), February 2013: World Social Forum: Critical
   Explorations http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/world_social_forum/
   6. 2012. Interface Journal Special (co-editor), November 2012: *For the
   Global Emancipation of Labour  <http://www.interfacejournal.net/current/>*
   7. 2005-?
   <http://interfacejournal.nuim.ie/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Interface-1-2-pp255-262-Waterman.pdf>
   Ongoing. Blog: http://www.unionbook.org/profile/peterwaterman.???. Needed:
   a Global Labour Charter Movement (2005-Now!)
   <http://interfacejournal.nuim.ie/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Interface-1-2-pp255-262-Waterman.pdf>
   8. 2011. Under, Against, Beyond: Labour and Social Movements Confront a
   Globalised, Informatised Capitalism
   <http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/under-against-beyond/>(2011) (c. 1,000
   pages of Working Papers, free, from the 1980's-90's).

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