[P2P-F] Fwd: [Networkedlabour] PRISON WRITINGS I The Roots of Civilisation Abdullah Ocalan

[Michel Bauwens]

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Subject: [Networkedlabour] PRISON WRITINGS I The Roots of Civilisation
Abdullah Ocalan
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PRISON WRITINGS I
The Roots of Civilisation
Abdullah Ocalan, translated by Klaus Happel
*PLUTO PRESS*
<http://www.plutobooks.com/cgi-local/nplutobrows.pl?chkisbn=0745326153A&main=&second=&third=&foo=../ssi/ssfooter.ssi>
ISBN: 9780745326160 Hardcover
Price: £25.00 / $40.00 / €37.00
Publication Date: January 2007
Pages: 320pp Size: ROYAL (230x150mm)
buy at *amazon.co.uk*
<http://www.amazon.co.uk/Prison-Writings-Civilisation-Abdullah-Ocalan/dp/0745326161/>
 - *amazon.com*
<http://www.amazon.com/Prison-Writings-Civilisation-Abdullah-Ocalan/dp/0745326161/>



*Reviews
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#reviews>*

*Extracts <http://ocalan-books.com/english/extracts.html>*

*Author Details <http://ocalan-books.com/english/author.html>*

*Deutsche Bücher <http://ocalan-books.com/english/deutsch/index.html>*


[image: Prison Writings I: The Roots of Civilisation]
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html> [image: Prison
Writings II: The PKK and the Kurdish Question in the 21st Century]
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/pkk-and-the-kurdish-question.html> [image:
Prison Writings III: The Road Map to Negotiations]
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/road-map-to-negotiations.html>



*Description*

Abdullah Ocalan was the most wanted man in Turkey for almost two decades
until his kidnapping and arrest in 1999. He has been in prison ever since.
He is the founder of the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK). From 1984, under his
leadership, the PKK fought for an independent Kurdish state in the south
east of Turkey. In a sustained popular uprising, tens of thousands of PKK
guerrillas took on the second largest army in NATO.

Since his imprisonment, Ocalan has written extensively on Kurdish history.
This book brings together his writings for the first time. Breathtaking in
scope, it provides a broad Marxist perspective on ancient Middle Eastern
history, incorporating the rise of the major religions (Islam, Christianity
and Judaism), and defining the Kurdish position within this, from the
ancient Sumerian civilization through the feudal age, the birth of
capitalism and beyond.



*Reviews and opinions*

'Very readable. It is a tour-de-force.'

*Ghada Talhami, D.K. Pearsons Professor of Politics, Lake Forest College,
Illinois*
------------------------------

'We would expect Abdullah Öcalan to write a political treatise. Instead, he
has penned a monumental history of the ancient Near East that offers a
grand vision. His well-informed and highly original synthesis has the
additional advantage of transcending academic fields. This is the first
truly postcolonial history of Mesopotamia.'

*Randall H. McGuire, Professor of Anthropology, Binghamton University, New
York*
------------------------------

'Abdullah Ocalan has written an extremely important book which everyone
concerned with the politics of the Middle East, the Kurdish question,
ancient history or socialist ideas should read and digest. Whatever the
view taken of his previous stance as a guerrilla leader, his erudite and
thought-provoking thesis is of outstanding interest and I recommend it
without reservation.'* (Full review...)*
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#newens>

*Stan Newens, former MP and MEP, United Kingdom.*
------------------------------

'It can be read with profit by anyone who seeks to forge a modern secular
future of peace and progress for the Middle East built upon the best
offered by previous world civilizations.' *(Full review...)*
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#gunther>

*Michael M. Gunther, Professor of political science, Tennessee
Technological University, USA*
------------------------------

'While it is about terrorism or global violence more broadly, it is a
radical departure from most interpretations on the subject because of its
attention to the long-term, cultural and material roots of the problem in a
Gramscian mould. The book will be indispensable for educators and concerned
citizens attempting to understand political violence.' *(Full review...)*
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#baron>

*Tamir Bar-On, Professor of Humanities and International Relations,
Monterrey Institute of Technology and Higher Education, Mexico*
------------------------------

*Stan Newens*

Abdullah Ocalan was the leader of the PKK, the Kurdistan Workers' Party,
which conducted a guerrilla war from 1984 with the aim of establishing an
independent Kurdish state in south-east Turkey. In February 1999, he was
kidnapped on the way to Nairobi airport and taken back to Turkey, where he
was tried and sentenced to death, although the sentence was commuted to
life imprisonment.

In prison on the Turkish island of Imrali in the Sea of Marmara, he has
produced, as part of a submission to the European Court of Human Rights, a
volume which is an analysis of the history of civilisation centred, in
particular, on the Middle East. Although his approach is essentially
Marxist, he rejects economic determinism as the basis for his
interpretation of history and places great importance on ideology. This is
reminiscent of the Italian Communist, Antonio Gramsci, who also produced
important theoretical work while in prison.

Ocalan regards the palaeolithic period of history, which covered 98 per
cent of humanity's existence on earth, as having been brought to an end by
the neolithic revolution, based upon better tools, the development of
agriculture and animal husbandry. The essential counterpart to these
technological changes was the development of primitive patterns of social
behaviour such as fetishism, animism, totemism, matrilineal kinship,
patriarchy, and so on.

The next technological revolution led to an oriental slave society. This
was based on the use of bronze and the building of settlements which
eventually became cities, initially on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers,
before 3000 BC; in ancient Sumer. A vital feature of this revolution was
the development by priests of a new ideology comprising a new religion and
a new mythology. This was required to transform the mental outlook of the
new settlers from one based on kinship and tribal freedoms to a submissive
mindset in which slavery and inferiority were accepted. Citizens of Sumer
were persuaded to accept subordination to a 'divine order' which reflected
and demanded obedience to gods who, in effect, decreed a slave society. The
priests established an ideological hegemony over the new urban settlements
by this means.

Any challenge to this took a religious form. It was the will of alternative
gods, monotheism or the advent of a messiah or redeemer which provided an
ideological cover for a revolt, or even an invasion, from outside to
overthrow a ruling élite.

Slave society with specific local features also developed in Egypt and the
Indus Valley in the Indian sub-continent, and religious rituals and beliefs
came into existence to create an acceptance of their structures. Elsewhere,
other less advanced peoples went through the neolithic revolution before
developing their own slave societies which were different in form though
they embodied the same fundamentals as those to be found in Sumer.
Greco-Roman societies did not have as rigid a religious structure as
Mesopotamia or Egypt and, here, philosophical ideologies emerged.

Christianity and Islam both challenged slave society and provided the
ideological counterpart to changes in the mode of production which led to
the emergence of feudalism. Feudal society was basically concerned with
land and land holdings, but it was dominated by religion.

Capitalism in its turn emerged through the introduction of new technologies
and the scientific method, but it was accompanied by a successful
ideological challenge to feudal religious dogma. In Europe this took shape
as the Renaissance, followed by the Reformation, which led on to humanism,
the enlightenment, individualism and secularisation.

Ocalan's view is that the Middle East failed to undergo an equivalent
change. He believes it is in desperate need of its own Renaissance or
Reformation, leading to the adoption of individual rights, secularisation,
women's rights, pluralism and democracy. Only then can it advance.

He is committed to a socialist transition of society worldwide, but argues
that this cannot be achieved by means of revolutionary violence or the
establishment of a totalitarian state. He regards the Soviet Union as a
failure in its overall efficiency, its excessive bureaucracy, and its
denial of its peoples' rights. He further declares that traditional violent
methods of achieving change have done extreme harm to the Arabs, the
peoples of Israel, Iran and Iraq, and the Kurds.

He now argues that socialism can only be achieved through a wide-ranging
democratisation and the achievement of a form of democracy which is
superior to current Western democracies. He demands pluralist structures,
participation of all in decision-making, women's rights, and peace.

'In my opinion', he says, 'one of the fundamental criteria characterising a
socialist regime must be the level of democracy which it enables'. [p. 37]

Ocalan's treatise is based upon a profound study of the history of the
ancient Middle East and the world in general. During the First World War a
Belgian historian, Henri Pirenne, wrote a History of Europe to 1550 without
access to sources, while he was interned by the German authorities.
Ocalan's achievement in prison conditions, with limited access to books,
calls this to mind, although he does provide a bibliography and,
presumably, consulted the items listed.

Ocalan might have made some reference to the controversy about the
existence of a specifically Asiatic hydraulic form of society, which Marx
and Engels accepted, but which was rejected in the former Soviet Union. He
might have referred to the theory of the former Iranian Kurdish leader,
Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou, that the Kurds are the descendants of the Medes.
There are numerous other aspects of his book that raise key issues for
further discussion and debate. Some of his contentions are controversial.

Notwithstanding this, Abdullah Ocalan has produced a brilliant theoretical
study of the origins and development of civilisation which should be
essential reading for all historians interested in a scientific approach to
our knowledge of the past. It is a fascinating work which is likely to be
of permanent interest. The final conclusion that democratisation, not
Islamic fundamentalism or the armed struggle (apart from self-defence), is
the way forward in the Middle East and elsewhere is not the message one
would expect to receive from the leader of a group that conducted a
guerrilla struggle in Turkey for nearly a generation. Left-wing socialists
and all who oppose imperialist attempts to dominate the world should
consider very carefully the arguments which he advances to justify this
thesis.

As for the Kurds, he suggests that being divided between several nations
(i.e. Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria) gives them a key advantage in
contributing to change in the Middle East by democratising themselves.

'No longer will the fate of the Kurds be ignorance, war, rebellion and
destruction but a democratic and developed civil society and unity in
freedom,' he declares. [p. 297]

Abdullah Ocalan has written an extremely important book which everyone
concerned with the politics of the Middle East, the Kurdish question,
ancient history or socialist ideas should read and digest. Whatever the
view taken of his previous stance as a guerrilla leader, his erudite and
thought-provoking thesis is of outstanding interest and I recommend it
without reservation.

*Stan Newens, former MP and MEP, United Kingdom. This review has been
published in The Spokesman No. 95
<http://www.spokesmanbooks.com/Spokesman/pdf/95Stan%20Newens%20rev.pdf>,
Journal of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation (Original review...)
<http://www.spokesmanbooks.com/Spokesman/pdf/95Stan%20Newens%20rev.pdf>*
------------------------------

*Michael M. Gunter*

For almost a quarter century, Abdullah (Apo) Ocalan led the Kurdistan
Workers party (known universally by its Kurdish initials, PKK) and its
predecessors in a guerrilla war against Turkey that resulted in some 37,000
deaths (the great majority being Kurdish), 3 million displaced persons, and
3,000 destroyed villages. He eventually lost the military struggle and was
captured after escaping to Europe, where he tried unsuccessfully to begin
negotiations for peace. He was condemned to death by a Turkish court, which
later commuted the sentence to life imprisonment as part of Turkey’s EU
candidacy. Given the new-found pride and determination of many ethnic Kurds
in Turkey, however, Ocalan and his call for democratization to solve the
Kurdish problem may yet win the final political victory.

The present volume follows upon an earlier one (Declaration on the
Democratic Solution of the Kurdish Question) written during his original
trial in 1999; surprisingly, it contains little on the Kurds. However, it
does contain much Marxist analysis on political, social, economic and
religious developments in the Middle East from ancient Sumerian times to
the present. A projected second volume will follow and deal more
specifically with the Kurds.

The book is divided into five parts, the first of which surveys ancient
body politics from Sumer to Rome. Ocalan states that “the earliest
state-based society and the oldest written sources of human history can be
found in Lower Mesopotamia and can be accredited to the Sumerians” (p. 5).
He also argues that “the mythological fabrications of the Sumerians, their
rituals and practices of worship, constituted the oil that fuelled and kept
the machinery of social institutions, both in sub- and super-structure,
running smoothly” (p. 15). This pattern largely replicates itself in the
base and super-structure of all subsequent polities and illustrates the
importance of the institutionalization of religion in creating a
patriarchal political order to which the individual was completely
subordinated.

In his second part, Ocalan examines medieval Europe and the Middle East as
well as the impact of Christianity and Islam. He concludes that the former
has been more supportive of progress and modernity: “The Christian religion
… played quite a positive role in the intellectual and structural
development of the European nations” (p. 172). Although Islam at first
opened with an era of progressive achievements, dogmatism and fatalism
stifled further development. This, of course, was not an uncommon view of
many modernist leaders in the Middle East including Kemal Ataturk and Gamal
Abdul Nasser. The Ottoman Empire “only had to guard the cultural graveyard”
(p. 174) — in other words, the Middle East already was declining relative
to the West during Ottoman times.

In contrast, the European Renaissance and the development of capitalism
propelled the West forward by emphasizing the importance of the individual,
secular thought, new modes of production, scientific progress, and new
forms of political organization such as democracy and the nation-state.
“The East, in particular the Middle East, has been in a defensive position
ever since” (p. 110). Ocalan deals with these developments in the third
part of the book. He also points out more negative traits of the West such
as the continuance of state-based male domination as well as the
imperialist grafting of European traits onto the rest of the world. The
original promise of “unsuccessful real socialism [communism]” (p. 286)
failed to provide a solution to these problems, and with its collapse
democracy became the main form of government because it enabled individuals
to seek freedom nonviolently.

In part four, Ocalan contemplates the contemporary international situation
and its future, arguing that the Middle East should adopt such modern
European achievements as individual rights, secular thought and politics,
and pluralism. However, the Middle East remains the principal region that
dogmatically resists assimilating Western civilization. This situation
makes the Middle East ripe for its own renaissance based on its own
cultural past.

Democratization is the means to achieve this renaissance, and it
constitutes the fifth and final part of Ocalan’s book. Female and minority
rights can help establish pluralistic, federal body politics, which can
offer mechanisms for resolving existing social, religious and ethnic
conflicts. Globalization also plays a role in dissolving despotism.
Decentralized federations can merge into a democratic Middle East
Federation: “Geographic and cultural similarities throughout the region,
and shared economic needs and water resources, might form the basis for a
democratic federation of the entire region” (p. 287). Civil society is the
primary means of furthering these changes. Armed struggle only results in
weak, reactionary and autocratic regimes. Organized armed defense, however,
is legitimate. The Kurdish question links Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria,
four of the main states in the Middle East.

Ocalan is long on theory but short on specifics for implementation.
Nevertheless, his vision of a modern, democratic, and federal Middle East
freed from its reactionary past inspires new hope for a better future.
Thus, Ocalan’s treatise is impressive not so much for the philosophy of
history it espouses, but for the glimpse it conveys of the author: a man
stamped as nothing more than a terrorist by Turkey, the United States and
the EU and, therefore, unworthy of serious engagement, but who nevertheless
is revered by millions to whom he gave a new sense of dignity. It can be
read with profit by anyone who seeks to forge a modern secular future of
peace and progress for the Middle East built upon the best offered by
previous world civilizations. As Ocalan himself writes: “There is no need
for a war of civilisations. … People in the Middle East should make their
barren ground a holy land again and boldly and generously open their hearts
to all that exists” (p. 175).
Democratization is the means to achieve this renaissance, and it
constitutes the fifth and final part of Ocalan’s book. Female and minority
rights can help establish pluralistic, federal body politics, which can
offer mechanisms for resolving existing social, religious and ethnic
conflicts. Globalization also plays a role in dissolving despotism.
Decentralized federations can merge into a democratic Middle East
Federation: “Geographic and cultural similarities throughout the region,
and shared economic needs and water resources, might form the basis for a
democratic federation of the entire region” (p. 287). Civil society is the
primary means of furthering these changes. Armed struggle only results in
weak, reactionary and autocratic regimes. Organized armed defense, however,
is legitimate. The Kurdish question links Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria,
four of the main states in the Middle East.

The manner in which Ocalan’s treatise was compiled is noteworthy.
Apparently, he simply gave handwritten pages to his lawyers or relatives
infrequently visiting his cell in the island prison of Imrali. On other
occasions, he dictated to the lawyers or had them take notes while he
spoke. He had no access to sources and no one with whom to discuss matters.
One wonders to what extent the Turkish authorities were aware of what he
was doing and permitted it. The translator and editorial team are to be
commended for having produced a readable and interesting manuscript. Their
joint project ends with more than 10 pages of notes, a short bibliography,
and useful index.

*Michael M. Gunther is professor of political science at Tennessee
Technological University. This review has been published in Middle East
Policy 14 (Fall 2007), pp. 166-167. (Original review...)
<http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/118000378/abstract>*
------------------------------

*Tamir Bar-On*

In the post-9-11 climate, a veritable cottage industry of books on the
subject of terrorism have inundated the public. They range from
"no-nonsense" guides to conspiracy and anti-conspiracy theories to case
studies of suicide terrorism.1
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn001f> The
work in question, however, cannot be neatly lumped into any of these
categories. While it is about terrorism or global violence more broadly, it
is a radical departure from most interpretations on the subject because of
its attention to the long-term, cultural and material roots of the problem
in a Gramscian mould. The book will be indispensable for educators and
concerned citizens attempting to understand political violence.

Ocalan is the leader of the militant Kurdish Workers Party (PKK). A former
practitioner of terrorism, Ocalan reflects on his organization's changing
fortunes after his arrest by the Turkish state. He makes a turn from the
lionized leader of the PKK to an intellectual who largely eschews the
violence of his past. The transition is remarkable, as Ocalan was enemy
number one in Turkey from 1984, the year he began the PKK's violent
uprising, until his spectacular kidnapping in Nairobi and subsequent arrest
by Turkish authorities in 1999. Ocalan currently resides in the Turkish
prison of Imrali, where he penned his Prison Writings.

For a man that lived by the gun, Ocalan devotes very few pages to
terrorism. In Parts 4 and 5, which includes "A New Programme for the
Kurdish Movement," Ocalan favours "contemporary democracy" and federalist
principles,2
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn002f> while
longing for a new historical synthesis of world civilisations. A new
"democracy of the people," argues Ocalan, will fail outside Euro-American
societies if it is not "superior" to Western democracy.3
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn003f> This
bold assertion reinforces the Hegelian idea that history unfolds towards
universal, civilisational progress and that "contemporary democracy" is for
now the highest expression of this progress. It is also intended to counter
what Ocalan views as the tendency of authoritarian states in the Middle
East to rhetorically wave the banner of popular representation, while
eroding democratic practices. If a new civilisational synthesis emerges,
argues Ocalan, it will need to build on the real historical progress made
as a consequence of the emergence of "democratic civilisation":
individualism, the rule of law, rule by the people, secularism, women’s
rights.

The first three parts of Prison Writings are devoted to the history and
"ideological identities" of three major civilisations: ancient Sumer, the
age of feudalism, and the birth of capitalism and the development of
democratic civilisation in Europe.

Ocalan’s novelty is in linking a Gramscian project to the history of Middle
Eastern civilisations. His central theoretical influence is the Italian
Marxist Antonio Gramsci, who wrote his own prison writings while in a
Fascist jail and died in a government-controlled clinic in 1937.4
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn004f> Yet,
democratic theory, ecological anarchist Murray Bookchin, the New Left,
feminist theory, Marx, and Hegel also figure as influences in Ocalan's
book. His goal is a new civilisational model in which "democratic
civilisation" will be merely one component of a still emerging global,
civilisational synthesis. The new synthesis will need to answer two central
questions: "how a person ought to live?" and "how a person becomes a
person?"5
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn005f> The
accumulation of cultural knowledge in the Middle East and the claim that
slave-holding Sumer was

"the blueprint for all that followed" (p. 249)

leads Ocalan to the conclusion that the region deeply influenced European
civilisation and the cultural memory exists to provide the synthesis of the
future. For now, insists Ocalan, the Middle East remains the most resistant
world region to the spread of "democratic civilisation."6
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn006f>

How will the new civilisation emerge? Given the proclivity of contemporary
Middle East states for violence, as well as the tendency of many states in
the area to mimic the style of leadership inherited from Sumer based on

"the deification of human beings in the person of the king," (p. 98)

the new civilisation will not emerge from conservative state structures.
Rather, Ocalan argues the "third sphere" of civil society

"comprises the tool of democratic possibilities - that opens the door to
developments hitherto impossible." (p. 227)

Gramsci insisted that in any society intellectuals are the critical group
in determining social stability and change. Ocalan continues a Gramscian
tradition in which intellectuals are entrusted with the elitist task of
rescuing us from the current age of Middle East violence and
authoritarianism, environmental catastrophe, the breathtaking pace of
scientific-technological civilisation, and poverty and hunger. The task is
to create counter-hegemonic discourses in the cultural terrain outside the
state (e.g., sufi orders, dissident religious thinkers, legal networks),
which will act as vehicles to change modes of thinking in the masses and
eventually dislodge antiquated political structures. Intellectuals in the
region, Ocalan asserts, need to break with nationalist, socialist, or
Islamist "dogmas" of the past, create a new "antithesis" to democratic
civilisation, and drive humanity forward.7
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn007f> Rejecting
the the nationalist "poison" the PKK swallowed,8
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn008f> Kurds
in Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria can be the guiding inspiration for the
implantation of this peaceful, "third sphere" throughout the Middle East.9
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn009f> All
Middle East conflicts from the Arab-Israeli wars to the current quagmire in
Iraq are interrelated and require the resurgence of the "third sphere" to
unlock the region from nationalist or religious cycles of violence,
deep-seated authoritarianism, and sectarian violence.10
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn010f>

While some might question Ocalan's sincerity based on the ambiguity of
Gramsci’s notion of a “war of position,” his purported aim is to unravel
the historical, economic, and psychological roots of human violence. Yet,
how will we get to the democratic "world federation"11
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn011f> Ocalan
craves? Will intellectuals be the Leninist vanguard minus the exhortations
to violence? If so, what does this say about a genuine participatory
democracy? Women will have a greater role in the new civilisation, insists
Ocalan, but how does one resist those powerful state structures and fears
of a "world constitution" and "uniform global economy"?12
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn012f> Divergent
groups outside the state in Israel, Palestine, Iran, and Turkey need to
desperately revive civil society to help forge a new civilisational
synthesis. However, a weakness of Ocalan's treatise is that it does not
consider the variations of autonomous, civil society in different Middle
East countries. He undermines the role that Israel or Western-style
institutions in Turkey can play in the civilisational synthesis of the
future by insisting the the former is an "alien body,"13
<http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn013f> which
was imported from outside the Middle East. This contradicts Ocalan's
earlier account for the history of civilisations in which he correctly
points out that Judaism is indigenous to the region and plays a major
evolutionary role in the spread of "democratic civilisation." What Ocalan
is really searching for is a Middle Eastern "enlightenment" for the Islamic
societies. Like Gramsci before him, Ocalan is convinced that we
progressively evolve as human civilisations. Traditional conservatives will
not be persuaded, while the events of the new millennium will surely spring
new hopes and disappointments.

1 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn001t> Examples
of each genre include: Jonathan Barker, *The No-Nonsense Guide to
Terrorism* (Toronto:
Between the Lines, 2002); Ami Pedahzur, *Suicide Terrorism*(London:
Blackwell, 2005); Eric Laurent, *La face cachée du 11 septembre* (Paris:
Plon, 2004); and David Ray Griffin, *Debunking 9/11 Debunking: An Answer to
Popular Mechanics and Other Defenders of the Official Conspiracy
Theory*(Northampton,
MA: Olive Branch Press, 2007).

2 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn002t> Abdullah
Ocalan, *Prison Writings: The Roots of Civilisatio*n, 255-6.

3 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn003t>
*Ibid.*, 237.

4 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn004t> See
Antonio Gramsci, *Selections from the Prison Notebooks* (translated and
edited by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith) (New York: International
Publishers, 1971). Also see *Prison Notebooks*, volumes 1-3 (translated by
Joseph A. Buttigieg) (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992; 1996;
2007).

5 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn005t> Abdullah
Ocalan, *Prison Writings: The Roots of Civilisation*, 285.

6 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn006t>
*Ibid.*, 277-82.

7 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn007t> Abdullah
Ocalan, *Prison Writings: The Roots of Civilisation*, 285

8 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn008t>
*Ibid.*, 296.

9 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn009t>
*Ibid.*, 296-7.

10 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn010t>
*Ibid.*, 289.

11 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn011t>
*Ibid.*, 264.

12 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn012t>
*Ibid.*, 282.

13 <http://ocalan-books.com/english/roots-of-civilisation.html#fn013t>
*Ibid.*, 280.

*Tamir Bar-On is professor for Humanities and International Relations at
the Monterrey Institute of Technology and Higher Education (ITESM), Campus
Queretaro, Mexico. This review has been published in Millennium - Journal
of International Studies Vol. 37, No. 2, 511-513, September 2008. (Original
review...) <http://mil.sagepub.com/cgi/content/citation/37/2/511>*



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Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at:
http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan

P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net  - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net

<http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates:
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#82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/
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