No subject

Thu May 29 13:38:36 CEST 2014

creating an invisible International, growing within the shell of the
old, as the IWW used to say, and we will create our own path by
walking together, re-creating the =E2=80=9Creally existing socialism=E2=80=
=9D in our
hearts and in our minds, the only place where it ever really existed.

Thank you for your attention.
_______________________________________________
NetworkedLabour mailing list
NetworkedLabour at lists.contrast.org
http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour

--=20
*Please note an intrusion wiped out my inbox on February 8; I have no
record of previous communication, proposals, etc ..*

P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net  - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net

<http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Update=
s:
http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens

#82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/

--001a11343408f2d8e204feb2657f
Content-Type: text/html; charset=UTF-8
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

<div dir=3D"ltr"><br><br><div class=3D"gmail_quote">---------- Forwarded me=
ssage ----------<br>From: <b class=3D"gmail_sendername">=C3=96rsan =C5=9Een=
alp</b> <span dir=3D"ltr">&lt;<a href=3D"mailto:orsan1234 at gmail.com">orsan1=
234 at gmail.com</a>&gt;</span><br>
Date: Mon, Jul 21, 2014 at 5:29 PM<br>Subject: [Networkedlabour] The Slow D=
eath [or euthanasia] of the Socialist International by Dan Gallin<br>To: &q=
uot;<a href=3D"mailto:networkedlabour at lists.contrast.org">networkedlabour at l=
ists.contrast.org</a>&quot; &lt;<a href=3D"mailto:networkedlabour at lists.con=
trast.org">networkedlabour at lists.contrast.org</a>&gt;<br>
<br><br>Talk at the Global Labour Institute International Summer School 201=
4.<br>
Video available here.<br>
<br>
- By Dan Gallin<br>
<br>
The Socialist International is the organization of the world=E2=80=99s<br>
socialist, social-democratic and labour parties, by a loose<br>
definition. Its headquarters are in London (Maritime House, Clapham).<br>
<br>
It is the successor organization of the historical Internationals of<br>
the labour movement, the First (International Working Men=E2=80=99s<br>
Association) (1864-1879), the Second (Labour International)<br>
(1889-1916), which split three ways during World War I and<br>
reconstituted itself as the Labour and Socialist International (LSI)<br>
in 1923 The LSI did not survive World War II and the present Socialist<br>
International was founded in 1951 in Frankfurt as its successor.<br>
<br>
At the last count, it had 162 member parties in 100 countries, and it<br>
is now in a deep crisis which reflects the crisis of most of its<br>
members, certainly its most influential ones.<br>
<br>
Why is any of this important?<br>
<br>
Because socialism has been the ideological foundation of most of the<br>
world=E2=80=99s trade union movement, not necessarily always in the same<br=
>
acceptance of the term, and today we are faced with a crisis of<br>
socialism, which is principally a crisis of the meaning of socialism.<br>
<br>
Social-Democratic and Labour parties have been our historical allies<br>
but this relationship is being seriously strained. In many countries<br>
in Europe and elsewhere these parties are no longer supporting a<br>
labour agenda, on the contrary, they are endorsing conservative<br>
politics which we oppose because they run counter to workers=E2=80=99<br>
interests.<br>
<br>
Trade unions are essentially political organizations in the sense that<br>
everything we do is political, it has political implications and<br>
consequences, and for this reason the trade union movement needs a<br>
political framework with a strategy and clear objectives, if you wish<br>
a lodestar. We have now lost our traditional lodestar and we cannot<br>
advance blindly. That is why we have to understand why this is<br>
happening and what our political options are.<br>
<br>
This is not the first time in history that the partnership between<br>
social-democracy and the trade union movement has been strained and<br>
the tensions that have arisen have always revolved around<br>
relationships and attitudes towards capitalism and the State, but with<br>
changing patterns.<br>
<br>
The First and Second Internationals were composite organizations,<br>
including into their membership any workers=E2=80=99 organizations, parties=
,<br>
unions, co-ops, educational associations and others. That changed in<br>
1901, when a meeting of national trade union centers decided unions<br>
needed a separate International of their own.<br>
<br>
An international secretariat was established in 1903, which became,<br>
ten years later, the International Federation of Trade Unions. In<br>
addition to the social-democratic unions on the European continent, it<br>
was joined by the French syndicalist CGT, the British TUC and the<br>
American Federation of Labor, which had not been part of the Second<br>
International.<br>
<br>
Earlier, in fact starting with the founding congress of the Second<br>
International in 1889, unions in specific branches of industry<br>
(tobacco, mining, transport, etc.) had already created their own<br>
Internationals, the forerunners of today=E2=80=99s Global Union Federations=
.<br>
<br>
The more or less informal but generally accepted division of labour at<br>
the time was that the International of the socialist parties was<br>
responsible for ideology and for the political strategy to achieve<br>
socialism. The Internationals of trade unions, while sharing this<br>
general objective, would be primarily responsible for the defence of<br>
workers=E2=80=99 immediate interests.<br>
<br>
This put the trade unions squarely in the reformist camp, to the<br>
=E2=80=9Cright=E2=80=9D of the political International. The unions were not=
 supposed<br>
to change society, their role was to be defensive. (By the way, that<br>
was not the view of the revolutionary syndicalist unions, strong in<br>
Southern Europe, in the Americas and initially in Japan, who believed<br>
that it was precisely the task of the unions to overthrow capitalism<br>
by means of the general strike =E2=80=93 but that is another chapter of our=
<br>
story).<br>
<br>
Meanwhile, however, serious differences had developed in the political<br>
International about strategies to achieve its main objective: to bring<br>
about a socialist society.<br>
<br>
To keep it simple: the concept that socialism had to be achieved<br>
through revolution, that is by organizing the working class to take<br>
over State power, forcibly if need be, was opposed by those who<br>
believed this could be done by securing parliamentary majorities and<br>
others yet who believed that a socialist society would be the outcome<br>
of the natural evolution of the capitalist system.<br>
<br>
Very few social-democratic trade unions subscribed to the<br>
revolutionary option and generally supported the reformist tendencies.<br>
<br>
The First World War changed the picture drastically. Instead of<br>
opposing the war, as they had solemnly committed themselves to do only<br>
two years before, the leading parties of the Second International<br>
supported their governments and the International collapsed in 1916.<br>
<br>
It was reconstituted, with difficulty, in 1920, but in the meantime<br>
the radical Left had brought about a revolution in Russia. The<br>
Bolsheviks, who rapidly emerged as the leading party =E2=80=93 renamed as<b=
r>
Communist Party =E2=80=93 had established within four or five years a<br>
one-party State and driven the social-democrats and others into exile<br>
or underground.<br>
<br>
In Germany, a revolution by the social-democratic Left was suppressed<br>
by a social-democratic government and its leading theoretician, Rosa<br>
Luxemburg, with others, was murdered by a right-wing militia acting<br>
under a mandate of that government.<br>
<br>
The reconstituted Labour and Socialist International had to face not<br>
only the challenge on its Left, but a far more dangerous challenge on<br>
its Right: the rise of fascism. Portugal and Italy were lost in the<br>
1920s, Germany, Austria and finally Spain in the 1930s.<br>
<br>
In that situation, the trade union movement emerged as a much stronger<br>
base of resistance. During the first world war, the International<br>
Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) and the International Transport<br>
Workers=E2=80=99 Federation (ITF) had established a liaison office in<br>
Amsterdam to maintain international trade union contacts despite the<br>
deep political splits created by the war. At its first post-war<br>
congress, the ICFTU elected Edo Fimmen, one of the co-secretaries of<br>
the liaison office who was also acting general secretary of the ITF,<br>
as general secretary.<br>
<br>
Fimmen, a Dutch revolutionary socialist, left the IFTU in 1923 but<br>
remained general secretary of the ITF which he led until his death in<br>
1942. Under his leadership the ITF and its allies, notably the IUF and<br>
its general secretary Jean Schifferstein, became the main trade union<br>
force of anti-fascist resistance, including anti-fascist protests in<br>
Italy, the construction of an extensive illegal resistance network of<br>
transport (mainly railway) unions in Nazi Germany, support for the<br>
socialist resistance against the clerical-fascist dictatorship in<br>
Austria after 1934 and assistance to the republican forces in the<br>
Spanish civil war.<br>
<br>
A that time, the ITF and much of the international trade union<br>
movement was clearly to the =E2=80=9CLeft=E2=80=9D of the political Interna=
tional. At<br>
the outbreak of the war immediately following the Stalin-Hitler pact<br>
in 1939, Fimmen organized the move of the ITF from Amsterdam to<br>
London: =E2=80=9CThe ITF is taking part in the war=E2=80=9D he declared, =
=E2=80=9Cnot to back<br>
England and France, but to oppose Hitler and his open and secret<br>
allies.=E2=80=9D<br>
<br>
In 1940, the Second International closed down<br>
<br>
After the war, the parties which had been members of the LSI founded<br>
the Socialist International as its successor. Its founding congress<br>
was held in Frankfurt in 1951. The political context was again totally<br>
different. It was the Cold War. In Western Europe and Japan, liberal<br>
capitalism had been consolidated with the sponsorship and support of<br>
the United States, the new hegemonic power of the West. The Soviet<br>
Union emerged as its rival hegemonic power, having occupied Eastern<br>
and much of Central Europe.<br>
<br>
A brief attempt to create an all-inclusive global trade union<br>
movement, reflecting the war-time alliance of the Western Allies and<br>
the Soviet Union, ended in a new split. The IFTU had dissolved in 1945<br>
to clear the way for the creation of the World Federation of Trade<br>
Unions, an artificial top-down construct which proved unable to<br>
overcome the unresolved differences between the Soviet block<br>
organizations and the former IFTU members. In 1949 the latter,<br>
supported by the international industrial federations, created the<br>
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), leaving the<br>
WFTU as an organization of the Soviet block and its allies.<br>
<br>
In that context, the objective of seeking a progressive alternative to<br>
capitalism had dropped off the agenda of both the Socialist<br>
International and the international trade union movement, even<br>
theoretically.<br>
<br>
Both had settled for the role of junior partners in the administration<br>
of the post-war social compromise in the industrialized world,<br>
basically the welfare State in an expanding capitalist economy.<br>
<br>
The flagship of European social-democracy, the German SPD, at its<br>
congress of Bad Godesberg in 1959, abandoned the remnants of its<br>
Marxist ideology and declared itself to be a =E2=80=9Cpeople=E2=80=99s part=
y=E2=80=9D, no<br>
longer a class-based workers=E2=80=99 party. Other parties followed.<br>
<br>
Nevertheless, relations between most of the trade union movement and<br>
the social-democratic labour parties remained close, implicitly or<br>
explicitly. Under conditions of expanding capitalism, ensuring<br>
relative prosperity for most of the population, this was not<br>
difficult. The hard part came later, in the 1970s.<br>
<br>
Meanwhile, the Socialist International, unlike its predecessors, had<br>
developed into an institution without serious organizing functions,<br>
more like a club for the leaders of its, mostly European, members.<br>
<br>
The major social-democratic parties had their own international<br>
agendas, dictated by national priorities, and were not prepared to<br>
concede to the International either the authority or the means it<br>
would have needed to create an international consensus or to develop<br>
an organizing strategy.<br>
<br>
The parties which would have needed a strong International, the weak,<br>
persecuted, exile parties, had no power in the organization.<br>
<br>
Under the presidency of Wily Brandt (1976-1992) the SI tried to become<br>
less euro-centric and to open up to the world. Its membership<br>
increased rapidly. Unfortunately, many of these new members had a very<br>
distant relationship to socialism in any recognizable form: they<br>
included, for example, the governing parties of Mexico and India,<br>
deeply corrupt and authoritarian, and worse: the government parties of<br>
Tunisia and Egypt, instruments of personal or military dictatorships.<br>
<br>
Within the last decade, the SI leadership has been facing mounting<br>
criticism mainly from its core membership, the European<br>
social-democratic parties.<br>
<br>
The current SI president is Giorgios Papandreu, the leader of the<br>
Greek PASOK, a social-democratic party which has been collapsing as a<br>
result of its participation in the present government which is<br>
enforcing the =E2=80=9Causterity=E2=80=9D policies dictated by the Troika. =
The general<br>
secretary is Luis Ayala, a Chilean from the Radical Party, a small<br>
social-democratic party which had been part of the Popular Unity<br>
coalition of Allende, first elected in 1989 and re-elected since.<br>
<br>
They are criticized for undemocratic procedures, lack of financial<br>
transparency, the incapacity of meeting present-day challenges, like<br>
the economic crisis, its causes and consequences and, finally,<br>
tolerating the presence of dictatorship parties.<br>
<br>
Matters came to a head at the 24th SI congress in Cape Town in<br>
August-September 2012, where the =E2=80=9Creformers=E2=80=9D =E2=80=93 esse=
ntially the<br>
European social-democrats =E2=80=93 ran a candidate for general secretary<b=
r>
against Luis Ayala. Their candidate was Mona Sahlin, former president<br>
of the Swedish Social-Democratic Workers=E2=80=99 Party and a former minist=
er<br>
in Sweden. She lost, with 36 votes against 46 to Ayala.<br>
<br>
At that point the =E2=80=9Creformers=E2=80=9D decided to create a parallel<=
br>
organization, officially launched in May 2013, at the 150th<br>
anniversary celebration of the SPD in Leipzig as the =E2=80=9CProgressive<b=
r>
Alliance=E2=80=9D. Sixty-nine parties, out of the 162 which are members of =
the<br>
SI, have joined the new international body.<br>
<br>
This is not a split, not yet: the member parties of the PA have<br>
remained members of the SI, but they have drastically cut their<br>
contributions. The SPD, which contributed GBP 100,000 per year, now<br>
pays GBP 5,000, the French SP cut its contribution by half, down to<br>
GBP 45,000, the Swiss party now pays GBP 1,000 instead of GBP 10,000<br>
previously, and so forth.<br>
<br>
The PA member parties accounted for 85% of the dues income of the SI,<br>
which is now facing a financial crisis in addition to its political<br>
crisis.<br>
<br>
What is striking about the PA is how similar it actually is to the SI.<br>
The public indignation of Sigmar Gabriel, president of the SPD, in<br>
March 2011, about the presence of dictatorship parties in the SI,<br>
triggered by the Arab Spring, raises the obvious question of why it<br>
took him, and others, twenty years to become aware of this.<br>
<br>
All these parties =E2=80=93 including Egypt and Tunisia =E2=80=93 were acce=
pted into<br>
membership by the SI governing bodies in 1980s and only expelled in<br>
2011, three days after the fall of Ben Ali in Tunisia and after the<br>
bloody repression of the popular uprising in Egypt by the Mubarak<br>
regime.<br>
<br>
Other dictators, whose presence is now considered scandalous (Daniel<br>
Ortega of Nicaragua, Jos=C3=A9 Eduardo dos Santos =E2=80=9Cpresident for li=
fe=E2=80=9D of<br>
Angola, or Laurent Gbagbo, former president of Ivory Coast, now before<br>
the International Court of Justice to answer for crimes against<br>
humanity) were all accepted in the SI by the same parties which are<br>
now in the PA.<br>
<br>
Furthermore, no lesson has been learned: the South African ANC,<br>
riddled with corruption up to its presidency, and one year after the<br>
Marikana massacre, was invited to the Leipzig event.<br>
<br>
The other striking feature is of course the disappearance of the<br>
socialist reference. The key words are now =E2=80=9Cprogressive=E2=80=9D an=
d<br>
=E2=80=9Cdemocratic=E2=80=9D, with =E2=80=9Csocialist=E2=80=9D and =E2=80=
=9Csocial-democratic=E2=80=9D very much in<br>
the background.<br>
<br>
One purpose of jettisoning the socialist terminology might be to open<br>
the way for the American Democratic Party to join. At one of the early<br>
meetings of the =E2=80=9Creformers=E2=80=9D, in Rome in December 2012, Pete=
r Shumlin,<br>
governor of Vermont and president of the Association of Democratic<br>
Governors, was invited.<br>
<br>
The PA has issued a mission statement which is a shallow collection of<br>
generalities and common places which could be signed by any<br>
=E2=80=9Cprogressive=E2=80=9D or =E2=80=9Cdemocrat=E2=80=9D with modest amb=
itions. There is no<br>
analysis of the world situation, no mention of any means by which the<br>
=E2=80=9Cprogressives=E2=80=9D might achieve their objectives, no mention o=
f power<br>
relations that condition political and social action. The PA clearly<br>
has no enemies, it only has friends, including the employers.<br>
<br>
One of its meetings, in October last year in Stockholm, with the<br>
support and participation of the Swedish LO, launched the idea of a<br>
=E2=80=9CGlobal New Deal Between Capital and Labour=E2=80=9D. There was a r=
eport, but<br>
neither the report nor the discussions have been made public. There is<br>
reason to fear the worst: a relaunch of =E2=80=9Csocial partnership=E2=80=
=9D, this<br>
time with the backing of an international organization of<br>
=E2=80=9Cprogressive=E2=80=9D parties offering its co-operation from a posi=
tion of<br>
weakness, in other words, bringing to the table an official act of<br>
surrender of any recognizable socialist principles or objectives.<br>
<br>
In summary, what seems to have happened is that a coalition of SI<br>
member parties, taking advantage of the mistakes of a dysfunctional<br>
secretariat =E2=80=93 and ignoring their co-responsibility in these mistake=
s =E2=80=93<br>
took the opportunity provided by the Cape Town congress to take a<br>
further step in the =E2=80=9Cde-socialdemocratization=E2=80=9D of social-de=
mocracy and<br>
its transformation in what can best be described as<br>
social-technocracy.<br>
<br>
The PA is in effect a bureaucratic operation which is not related in<br>
any way to any real social movement. It is a =E2=80=9Cde-social-democratize=
d=E2=80=9D<br>
SI, even more removed from really existing class struggles, even while<br>
it tries to involve the more accommodating parts of the international<br>
trade union movement, in this case the ETUC.<br>
<br>
Where does this leave us?<br>
<br>
This time there cannot be any doubt: we are on our own. In most<br>
countries, the historical alliance of the labour movement with<br>
international social-democracy has ceased to exist.<br>
<br>
This does not mean that socialism is dead, far from it. However, what<br>
it does mean is that the trade union Left has to reinvent socialism<br>
for itself, and on its own terms. As I said earlier, all we do is<br>
political. Because workers have no other place to go, we need to<br>
define the politics which are naturally ours, based on the common<br>
class interest.<br>
<br>
In reconstructing socialism as a culture, as a method of struggle and<br>
as vision for global society, we will need to look for political<br>
allies.<br>
<br>
This is not a simple undertaking.<br>
<br>
Because the situation is different in each country, such allies will<br>
not necessarily be the same everywhere. Some will come from<br>
social-democratic and labour parties that have not entirely given up<br>
and where historical social-democracy, including pockets of the Left,<br>
survives. Others will come from those who have lived through sectarian<br>
experiences and have rejected them, but who have retained the energy<br>
for struggle and who have not forgotten the original purpose of the<br>
exercise. Others yet will come with some of the long forgotten<br>
heritage of revolutionary syndicalism, suddenly relevant again.<br>
<br>