[P2P-F] Fwd: Strategic Climate Activism: Resist - and build a cooperative, democratic economy

[Michel Bauwens]

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Tom Atlee <cii at igc.org>
Date: Fri, Feb 21, 2014 at 5:29 PM
Subject: Strategic Climate Activism: Resist - and build a cooperative,
democratic economy
To: Michel Bauwens <michel at p2pfoundation.net>


  Tom Atlee's Co-Intelligence Journal . The Co-Intelligence Symbol . What
this message is about: The climate crisis is far more than an environmental

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Tom Atlee's Co-Intelligence Journal
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. The Co-Intelligence Symbol .

*What this message is about: The climate crisis is far more than an
environmental issue. Adequately ramping up efforts to address it will
require prioritizing a climate-justice movement which taps the potent
activism of struggling peoples for whom social change is and has always
been a matter of survival. In addition to resisting destructive forces,
this approach will involve wholesale development of economic democracy,
including "cooperatives and worker-owned businesses, community-development
financial institutions, community land trusts, local agriculture and
community-owned renewable energy, as well as efforts to reconceive
corporations and redefine economic growth". Such actions unjust corporate
dominance, build local community resilience to deal with climate shocks,
and nurture grassroots power to transform systems that urgently need
transforming.*
Strategic Climate Activism: Resist - and build a cooperative, democratic
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Resistance & Cooperation

Dear friends,

The summary above will hopefully whet your appetite for the remarkable
articles below. The main one which I have included in full, promotes with
compelling logic the need to merge the climate movement with the economic
democracy movement. From Occupy to Climate
Justice<https://go.madmimi.com/redirects/1393021546-783293bbf12dff8ac923085bf10b3ebc-ef93c17?pa=20670380465>was
written by Wen Stephenson a few weeks ago. Stephenson also wrote the
powerful article featured in my recent post Climate Journalism, Climate
Passion, Climate Conscience and
Action<https://go.madmimi.com/redirects/1393021546-16a44034167b8cd75d069a1067c5c30d-ef93c17?pa=20670380465>
.

I also highly recommend two other articles to deepen our understanding of
what Stephenson is talking about.

*1. Chris Hedges' remarkable prophetic critique of modern society, The Myth
of Human Progress and the Collapse of Complex Societies
<https://go.madmimi.com/redirects/1393021546-9d4526293d08b29702a73cf7bed7959e-ef93c17?pa=20670380465>*
Tapping the allegory of Moby Dick, Hedges offers a passionate defense of
resistance as a source of existential meaning in times like ours, quite in
addition to any hope or impact we may promote through our acts of
resistance. These times demand a certain "sublime madness" of standing up
to both power and nihilism, asserting what is right because it is right.

*2. Stephanie Van Hook's insightful essay The Limits of Non-Cooperation as
a Strategy for Social Change
<https://go.madmimi.com/redirects/1393021546-69ff5cec514e60e600a1e9199990557a-ef93c17?pa=20670380465>*
Hook takes us one step further, embracing noncooperation while calling us
to radically expand our natural inclination to cooperate. Civil
disobedience may be vital, but it is insufficient to transform society.
Transformation becomes increasingly possible as we develop greater
understanding of cooperation and how to tap it in powerfully creative ways.

The Co-Intelligence Institute offers many approaches to promote our
understanding of the practical applications of cooperative power -
especially in politics,
governance<https://go.madmimi.com/redirects/1393021546-44abea9efecb086a02cae31723d9ed96-ef93c17?pa=20670380465>,
and economics<https://go.madmimi.com/redirects/1393021546-f3e30c225cef558894f0f54833cfe1bf-ef93c17?pa=20670380465>,
as well as group
activities<https://go.madmimi.com/redirects/1393021546-7d76180d51d39ca921a3e8915ea70420-ef93c17?pa=20670380465>of
all kinds.

Coheartedly,
Tom

= = = = = = = = =

*From Occupy to Climate Justice
<https://go.madmimi.com/redirects/1393021546-1024e7c625ee5ffc6511c29fe90c2efd-ef93c17?pa=20670380465>*
*There's a growing effort to merge economic-justice and climate activism.
Call it climate democracy.*

Wen Stephenson
February 6, 2014

*(As usual, there are many links in the article online at the URL above.)*

It's an odd thing, really. in certain precincts of the left, especially
across a broad spectrum of what could be called the economic left, our (by
which I mean humanity's) accelerating trajectory toward the climate cliff
is little more popular as a topic than it is on the right. In fact,
possibly less so. (Plenty of right-wingers love to talk about climate
change, if only to deny its grim and urgent scientific reality. On the
left, to say nothing of the center, denial takes different forms.)

Sometimes, though, the prospect of climate catastrophe shows up
unexpectedly, awkwardly, as a kind of non sequitur--or the return of the
repressed.

I was reminded of this not long ago when I came to a showstopping passage
deep in the final chapter of anarchist anthropologist David Graeber's "The
Democracy Project: A History, a Crisis, a Movement", his interpretive
account of the Occupy Wall Street uprising, in which he played a role not
only as a core OWS organizer but as a kind of house intellectual (his
magnum opus, Debt: The First 5,000 Years, happened to come out in the
summer of 2011). Midway through a brief discourse on the nature of labor,
he pauses to reflect, as though it has just occurred to him: "At the
moment, probably the most pressing need is simply to slow down the engines
of productivity." Why? Because "if you consider the overall state of the
world," there are "two insoluble problems" we seem to face: "On the one
hand, we have witnessed an endless series of global debt crises...to the
point where the overall burden of debt...is obviously unsustainable. On the
other we have an ecological crisis, a galloping process of climate change
that is threatening to throw the entire planet into drought, floods, chaos,
starvation, and war."

These two problems may appear unrelated, Graeber tells us, but "ultimately
they are the same." That's because debt is nothing if not "the promise of
future productivity." Therefore, "human beings are promising each other to
produce an even greater volume of goods and services in the future than
they are creating now. But even current levels are clearly unsustainable.
They are precisely what's destroying the planet, at an ever-increasing
pace."

Talk about burying the lead. Graeber's solution--"a planetary debt
cancellation" and a "mass reduction in working hours: a four-hour day,
perhaps, or a guaranteed five-month vacation"--may sound far-fetched, but at
least he acknowledges the "galloping" climate crisis and what's at stake in
it, and proposes something commensurate (if somewhat detached from the
central challenge of leaving fossil fuels in the ground). That's more than
can be said for most others on the left side of the spectrum, where climate
change is too often completely absent from economic and political analysis.

It's unclear what explains this reticence about the existential threat
facing humanity, beginning with the poorest and most vulnerable people on
the planet--unless it's that the implications of climate science, when you
really begin to grasp them, are simply too radical, even for radicals.

Two years ago, the International Energy Agency reported that corporations
and governments must shift decisively away from new long-term investments
in fossil-fuel infrastructure--such as Keystone XL and any number of other
projects--within five years, meaning by 2017, in order to avoid "locking in"
decades of carbon emissions that will guarantee warming the planet, within
this century, far more than 2°C above the preindustrial average, the
internationally agreed-upon red line. But on December 3, the eminent
climate scientist James Hansen, recently retired as head of NASA's Goddard
Institute for Space Studies, and seventeen co-authors released a study in
the journal PLOS ONE confirming that the United Nations-approved 2°C
ceiling has no real basis in science, only politics, and would itself set
in motion "disastrous consequences" beyond humanity's control.

Instead, according to Hansen and his co-authors, we should do everything we
can to stay as close as possible to a ceiling of 1°C. Given that we've
already warmed about 0.8°C in the past 100 years (with still more "baked
in" as a result of the climate system's lag time), you would be correct in
concluding that the time frame in which to act is vanishingly short--and
that the scale of action required is epically large. On our current
trajectory, with global emissions still rising, we're headed to at least
4°C this century. Even to have a shot at the 2°C goal, global emissions
must peak by, say, 2020, and then plummet to near zero by mid-century. That
may appear unlikely, but as Hansen et al. write, "There is still
opportunity for humanity to exercise free will."

Anyone who is committed to the hard work of bringing deep structural change
to our economic, social and political systems--the kind of change that
requires a long-term strategy of organizing and movement-building--is now
faced with scientific facts so immediate and so dire as to render a life's
work seemingly futile. The question, then, becomes how to escape that
paralyzing sense of futility, and how to accelerate the sort of grassroots
democratic mobilization we need if we're to salvage any hope of a just and
stable society.

A lot of people I know in the climate movement think the left, and the
economic left in particular--pretty much the entire spectrum from mainstream
liberals to Occupy radicals--has not yet taken on board the scale and
urgency of the climate crisis. Not really. Not the full, stark set of
facts. At the same time, mainstream climate advocates, wanting to broaden
the climate movement, are told that they have too often been tone-deaf on
issues of economic justice and inequality. How to reconcile these? How to
merge the fights for economic justice and climate action with the kind of
good faith and urgency required to build a real climate-justice movement?

I don't know anyone who has all the answers, but I do know a few people who
are at least asking the right kinds of questions, starting the necessary
conversations and actually working to connect climate and economic-justice
organizing across the country. As it happens, more than a few of them were
engaged in Occupy. (David Graeber should be proud.) They point to a
convergence of movements for economic democracy and climate justice, and
show us what a trajectory from Occupy to something new--call it climate
democracy--might look like.

Equally important, they're acting with the kind of urgency, and commitment
to civil resistance, that the crisis demands. They know there can be no
climate justice without economic justice, but they also know there won't be
any economic justice--any justice at all--without facing up to our climate
reality, simultaneously slashing emissions and building resilience. They
know the "climate" part of "climate justice" cannot be an afterthought,
some optional add-on to please "environmentalists." Because this shit is
real. And the game is far from over. No matter what happens in terms of
climate policy in the next few years--and the prospects are not
pretty--current and future generations have to live through what's coming.
------------------------------

Rachel Plattus was speaking to a roomful of college students and recent
grads at the David L. Lawrence Convention Center in Pittsburgh, where
they'd gathered for a weekend in late October along with some 8,000 other
young activists at Power Shift, the biannual national convergence of the
youth climate movement. Rachel is the 26-year-old director of youth and
student organizing for the New Economy Coalition, based in Cambridge,
Massachusetts. By her side was 35-year-old Farhad Ebrahimi, who serves on
the NEC board and who founded and runs the Boston-based Chorus Foundation,
which supports grassroots climate and environmental-justice organizing in
communities around the country.

I know Rachel and Farhad from the Boston-area climate movement, and I was
tagging along with them and their colleagues at Power Shift. It was strange
to see the two of them in front of a room at a high-tech convention center;
in the past year I've been more apt to see them in church basements and
community-organizing spaces, leading nonviolent direct-action trainings, or
on the streets leading protests against tar sands pipelines and coal-fired
power plants.

"I met Farhad at Occupy Boston," Rachel told the hundred or so young people
who'd come to hear about the intersection of climate and economic justice
(a strong showing, given the dozens of concurrent breakout sessions offered
at Power Shift). "We spent a lot of time there a couple years ago, and it
was a transformative experience for a lot of us."

Two important things came out of her Occupy experience, Rachel explained.
First, she and several friends who had been "radicalized on climate
issues," including Farhad and her NEC colleague Eli Feghali (who was also
in the room), decided to form an organizing collective "to do resistance
work around climate justice." At the same time, she began thinking
seriously about the central question raised by Occupy but never really
answered: "If you're so angry at this system, if all the people here have
been wronged by the system, what are you proposing that we do instead?"
While she and her friends wanted to keep organizing resistance, she said,
"I found myself looking for a way to have an answer to 'What do you want
instead?'" She dove into the worker-ownership movement in Boston and tried
unsuccessfully to start a worker co-op with some friends.

It was around this time, in late 2011 and early 2012, that she started
talking with Bob Massie, a longtime social-justice and environmental
activist, ordained Episcopal priest with a doctorate from Harvard Business
School and, among other things, the initiator of the Investor Network on
Climate Risk. Massie had recently been hired to head the New Economics
Institute, which merged early last year with the New Economy Network to
form the NEC. Rachel began to realize, she told her Power Shift listeners,
that the kind of work going on in the "new economy" or "solidarity economy"
movement--with things like cooperatives and worker-owned businesses,
community-development financial institutions, community land trusts, local
agriculture and community-owned renewable energy, as well as efforts to
reconceive corporations and redefine economic growth--is challenging the
dominant and unsustainable corporate capitalist system. And not simply
rejecting that system, she emphasizes, but "creating new economic
institutions that are democratic and participatory, decentralized to
appropriate scale so that decisions are made at the most local level that
makes sense and, rather than only prioritizing one thing--the maximization
of profit--prioritizing people, place and planet."

"New-economy innovations are occurring all over the country, bubbling up,"
Massie told me. "What they lack is mutual awareness, mutual support and
mutual connectivity." There's potential for real transformation, he
believes, in providing those connections. "As people become aware of each
other, their frame of reference about what's happening, and what could
happen, changes. They realize all these problems are linked--but all these
solutions may also be linked." He points to what happened recently in
Boulder, Colorado, where voters approved a grassroots energy initiative, by
a two-thirds landslide, to move the city from a big, corporate,
coal-dominated utility, Xcel Energy, to a publicly owned municipal utility
that will expand renewables at the same or lower rates.

When I followed up with Rachel back in Cambridge, I pressed her to explain
how she connects the new-economy work--which seems to represent real
progress, at least in pockets around the country--with her work organizing
nonviolent resistance to the fossil-fuel industry. First, she pointed out,
"in a civil society that is essentially owned by multinational
corporations, driven to maximize profit over all else, to engage in
building these parallel economic institutions is to engage in civil
resistance."

But even more, she suggested, in the merging of climate justice and
economic democracy, it's the democracy part that may ultimately matter
most. Rachel understands that the kind of deep, systemic change envisioned
by the new-economy movement is no doubt a long-term, evolutionary process,
on a time scale out of sync with our climate emergency. But she argues that
grassroots economic democracy, actually organizing to create those
alternative institutions, can also build a base of political power in the
near term, at the local level, which is not only where all politics has to
start but all resilience as well--something we're going to need plenty of in
the years ahead.

Rachel told me that she knows a lot of people who are focused primarily on
the economic-democracy piece--and yet, she added "almost all of them
recognize the level at which that also plays into climate issues, how we
build resilient communities." She pointed not only to something like the
community-owned energy initiative in Boulder, but to projects like the
Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative in the Roxbury/North Dorchester
neighborhood of Boston, which has brought a racially diverse, low-income
community together around fair and affordable housing, community economic
development, food justice, education and youth empowerment. The initiative,
she said, is "building relationships, making sure the community is there,
people interacting with each other in the kinds of ways we need people to
be interacting with each other.... Occupy did that, too. Being part of
participatory democracy, in all its forms, does that: it gives people the
skills and capacities they need" to help build a social movement. Rachel
noted that NEC will launch an initiative this year to expand and strengthen
organizing among its coalition members around racial and economic justice.

And yet, I asked, where's the climate crisis in that picture? What happens
to communities like Roxbury and Dorchester, where people are already
struggling, if we don't urgently build the kind of grassroots power we need
to shift the politics of climate and deal head-on with the crisis?

"We have to be willing to tell the truth about what the dangers of climate
change are," Rachel said, "and how we balance immediate economic survival
with longer-term survival. We have to be willing to be honest about those
things. But we also have to recognize when we're building power toward
addressing the climate crisis--even if people aren't calling it the
climate-justice movement."
------------------------------

Farhad Ebrahimi stood in front of the room at Power Shift wearing a gray
hoodie with the words Kentuckians for the Commonwealth printed across it.
He was talking about what he'd learned since diving into climate work in
2006 and seeing even the most inadequate national legislation die in
Congress in 2009 and 2010. What was missing, he and others began to see,
"was any sense of building political power, any sense of a social movement,
and the intersectionality of climate justice and other social-justice
movements." Through his young foundation, Chorus, he decided to start
supporting grassroots organizing in frontline communities, those already
bearing the brunt of the fossil-fuel industry. One of the first places he
went was Kentucky.

"We went to look at the extraction stuff going on, mountaintop removal," he
said, "and we saw that the folks who were trying to fight the coal
companies, stop them from blowing up their mountains, were also doing great
work around energy efficiency and renewables--and when it was tied together
with this resistance work, it was actually much more effective."

He learned about Kentuckians for the Commonwealth, a statewide independent
grassroots group that's been working for more than thirty years on
democratic reform and economic and environmental justice. KFTC does far
more than work on coal and environmental health issues, central as those
are in eastern Kentucky, where the group has its strongest base.
Confronting climate change is the first plank of the KFTC platform, but
much of its work is on local and regional economic development, tax-justice
issues, mass incarceration and voting rights, as well as worker
cooperatives, local agriculture, and community-owned and -distributed
renewables.

The folks at KFTC frame all of these as essential parts of a "just
transition" from the old, extractive, exploitative economy to a new, more
democratic clean-energy economy. The idea is that even as they build
grassroots political power, they're also creating real economic
alternatives to fill the void left by the coal industry. KFTC has
established its presence in state politics. In 2010, as part of its
strategy to move rural electric cooperatives away from overdependence on
coal, the group helped prevent the East Kentucky Power Cooperative from
building a new coal-fired plant and reached an agreement with the utility
to explore energy efficiency and clean-energy alternatives. Last year, KFTC
convened the Appalachia's Bright Future conference, which influenced the
agenda of a major Eastern Kentucky "summit" in December, called by Governor
Steve Beshear, a Democrat, and Republican Congressman Hal Rogers, to
jump-start an economic transition in a region reeling from the loss of
coal-industry jobs.

In the face of our climate reality, Farhad told me back in Boston,
"economic transition is inevitable." In Appalachia, as coal declines, it's
already happening. The question is: "Will the transition be just or not?"

Kentuckians for the Commonwealth, he noted, is part of the recently formed
Climate Justice Alliance, a national collaborative effort among more than
thirty-five organizations committed to grassroots organizing in frontline
communities, especially communities of color. Its recently launched Our
Power Campaign focuses on three "hot spots": in the Black Mesa region of
the Navajo Nation, led by the Black Mesa Water Coalition; in Detroit, led
by the East Michigan Environmental Action Council; and in Richmond,
California, led by the Asian Pacific Environmental Network and Communities
for a Better Environment. Each of these groups is not only fighting the
local impacts of fossil-fuel extraction and infrastructure--coal mines and
power plants in Arizona, a coal plant and oil refinery in Detroit, and the
massive Chevron refinery in Richmond--but just as much, applying principles
of economic democracy to work toward more sustainable and resilient local
economies in struggling communities.

Jihan Gearon, executive director of the Black Mesa Water Coalition, grew up
on the Navajo reservation in Arizona. She told me that their approach to
climate is "holistic," addressing not only emissions as they move away from
coal but also adaptation--especially as water becomes scarce--and economic
transition. "We are not content with parts per million of CO2reduced," she
said. "We also want to ensure that we protect health, water and jobs as we
reduce CO2."

In any likely scenario, Farhad asked, "what are we going to need, no matter
what? Local political power and local resilience." We won't get where we
need to be politically on climate change, at the national and international
levels, "without real local base-building," he added. And if we don't get
anywhere at the national and international levels, "well, then, we're going
to need the local work in place so that we can take care of each other as
the old way of doing things slips away."

Farhad and Rachel both like to think of this work as having three essential
pieces. The first is resistance: saying "no" to a corrupt, oppressive,
extractive system, whether through legislation and litigation, at one end
of the spectrum, and nonviolent direct action or mass protests at the
other. The second is "replacement": creating the alternatives, which can
itself be a form of resistance, as Rachel noted. And the third essential
piece is resilience.

"So we're trying to go from 'no' to 'yes,'" Farhad said, "but it's gonna be
a really fuckin' rough ride. It's gonna be a rough ride because of climate
change. But it's also gonna be a rough ride politically and economically."

Resilience becomes crucial, but so does social justice, because the two are
intimately linked. Resilience requires strong communities--and there's no
real community without social justice.

"We have this journey, this transition, that we have to make," Farhad told
me. "And we have to figure out how to organize so that we're not only going
toward 'yes,' but we're doing it in a way that's equitable." Kentuckians
for the Commonwealth, he pointed out, is important right now because of how
it intervenes in Kentucky politics, organizes communities and fights the
big coal companies. "And when the climate changes and what grows there
changes and how they can live there changes--they're going to need that
ability to act collectively to deal with all of that as well."

Farhad thought of another example. "Occupy Sandy happened not because
people responded to Sandy really well; it was because the relationships and
tool sets were already built through Occupy Wall Street."

David Graeber argues in The Democracy Project that Occupy reawakened the
radical imagination in this country. To the extent that's true, it's
possible that the merging of climate justice and economic democracy can
matter in a similar way--reawakening the sense of democratic possibility and
grassroots power in our communities. But Occupy did something else, too: it
reminded us of the sheer speed and unpredictability with which unrest can
explode across the country, taking everyone (including the organizers) by
surprise.

In Cambridge, I asked Rachel if she agreed that much of the economic left
has yet to take on board the full magnitude and urgency of the climate
crisis. "I mean, the climate movement has barely taken it on board," she
replied. "There are a lot of folks, even in the climate movement, and
certainly in the economic left, who haven't even made the decision to take
on the reality of it--and to recognize that this fight, [which] for them was
never really about survival, all of a sudden is."

When that recognition finally comes, anything could happen.

"It's interesting," Rachel said, "because there certainly are parts of the
left, not the liberal elite, but parts of the left"--like those, she pointed
out, who have fought their whole lives for racial justice--"for whom being
engaged has always been about survival."

"There is a deep, rich tradition of organizing for survival," Rachel said.
"In fact, it's the only thing that's ever worked."

Copyright (c) 2014 The Nation--distributed by Agence Global
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