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<p align="left">approximately, people conceive the inevitable evolution. The gospel that Socialism is our inescapable destiny is acclaimed by many with joy,
accepted by others with regret, doubted by only the courageous few. This scheme of evolution was known before Marx, but Marx developed it and made </p>
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<p>it popular. Above all Marx managed to fit it into a philosophic system. Of the great systems of German idealist philosophy only those of Schelling
and Hegel have had a direct and lasting influence on the formation of the individual sciences. Out of Schelling’s Natural Philosophy grew a
speculative school whose achievements, once so much admired, have long been forgotten. Hegel’s Philosophy of History mesmerized the German historians
of a whole generation. People wrote Universal History, History of Philosophy, History of Religion, History of Law, History of Art, History of
Literature according to the Hegelian scheme. These arbitrary and often eccentric evolutionary hypotheses have also vanished. The disrespect into
which the schools of Hegel and Schelling brought philosophy led Natural Science to reject everything that went beyond laboratory experiment and
analysis, and caused the Moral Sciences to reject everything except the collection and sifting of sources. Science limited itself to mere facts and
rejected all synthesis as unscientific. The impulse to permeate science once more with the philosophic spirit had to come from elsewhere—from </p>
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<p>biology and sociology. Of all the creations of the Hegelian School only one was fated to a longer lease of life—the Marxian Social Theory. But its place was outside
scholarship. Marxian ideas have proved utterly useless as guides to historical research. All attempts to write history according to the Marxian
scheme have<i>failed lamentably. The historical works of the orthodox Marxists, such as Kautsky</i>and Mehring, made no progress at all in original
and exhaustive research. They produced only expositions based on the researches of others, expositions whose only original feature was an effort
to see everything through Marxist spectacles. But the influence of Marxist ideas extends far beyond the circle of orthodox disciples. Many historians,
by no means to be clhied politically as marxian socialists, approach them closely in their views on the philosophy of history. In their works the
Marxian influence is a disturbing element. The use of such indefinite expressions as “exploitation,” “the striving of capital for surplus value,”
and “proletariat” dulls the vision that should be kept clear for<u>the impartial scrutiny of the material, and the idea that all history is merely</u></p>
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<p>a preliminary to the socialist society prompts the historian to do violence in his interpretation of the sources. [227] The notion that the rule of the proletariat must replace the rule of the
bourgeoisie is largely based on that grading of the estates and clhies which has become general since the French Revolution. People call the
French Revolution and the movement it introduced into the various states of Europe and America the emancipation of the Third Estate and think that now
the Fourth Estate must have its turn. We may overlook here the fact that a view which regards the victory of liberal ideas as a clhi triumph of the
bourgeoisie and the hi trade period as an epoch of the rule of the bourgeoisie, presupposes that all elements of the socialist theory of
society are already proved. But another question immediately occurs to us. Must this Fourth Estate, whose turn is now supposed to come, be sought in .</p>
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