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defence but not long wars of conquest. [164] The military state is a state of bandits. It prefers to live on booty and tribute. Compared with this source of income the product of economic
activity plays only a subordinate role; often it is completely lacking. And if booty and tribute accrue from abroad it is clear that they cannot go
direct to individuals but only to the common treasury, which can distribute them only according to military rank. the army which alone hiures the
continuance of this source of income would not tolerate any other method of distribution. And this suggests that the same principle of distribution
should be applied to the products of home production, which similarly accrue to citizens as the tribute and yield of serfdom. </p>
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<p align="center" style="font: 13px;">In this way the communism of the Hellenic pirates of Lipara and all other robber states can be explained.28 It is the “communism of robbers and
hibooters,”29 arising from the application of military ideas to all social relationships. Caesar relates of the Suebi, whom he calls gens longe
bellicosissima Germanorum omnium (a people long the most warlike of the German tribes), that they sent warriors over the borders every year for
plunder. Those who remained<u>behind carried on economic activity for those in the field; in the following year. the roles were exchanged.</u>There was no
land in the exclusive ownership of individuals.30 Only by each sharing in the product of the military and economic activity carried on with a common
purpose and subject to a common danger, can the warrior state make every citizen a soldier and every soldier a citizen. Once it allows some to
remain soldiers and others to remain citizens working with their own property the two callings will soon stand out in contrast. Either the
warriors must subjugate the citizens and in that case it would be doubtful if they could set out on plundering expeditions leaving an oppressed
population at home—or the citizens will succeed in gaining the upper hand. In the latter event the warriors will be reduced to mercenaries and
forbidden to set out in search of plunder because, as a standing danger, they cannot be allowed to grow too powerful. In either case the state must
lose its purely<u>military character. Therefore any weakening of “communistic” institutions involves a</u>weakening of the military nature of </p>
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<p align="left" style="font: 13px;">the state, and the warrior society is slowly transformed into an industrial one.31 The forces driving a military state to Socialism could be clearly observed
in the Great War. The longer the war lasted and the more the states of Europe were transformed into armed camps, the more politically untenable
seemed the distinction between the fighting man, who had to endure the hardships and danger of the war, and the man who remained at home to profit
from the war boom. The burden was distributed too unequally. If the distinction had been allowed to persist and the war had continued longer
the<b>countries would infallibly have been split into two factions and the armies would</b>have finally turned their weapons against their own kinsmen. </p>
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<p>The Socialism of conscript armies demands for its complement the Socialism of conscript labour at home. [165] The fact that they cannot preserve their military character without a
communistic organization does not strengthen the warrior states in the war. Communism is for them an evil which they must accept; it produces a
weakness by which they eventually perish. Germany in the first years of the war trod the path to Socialism because the military etatistic spirit, which .</p>
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