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correlation of forms. Thus Paleontology must depend upon the empirical method. A fossil species that was obliged to change its food or habits of life, did not of necessity
undergo the particular set of modifications exhibited; but, under some slight change of predisposing causes—as of season or latitude—might have
undergone some other set of modifications: the determining circumstance being one which, in the human sense, we call fortuitous. </p>
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<p align="left">May we not say then, that the deductive method elucidates this vexed question in physiology; while at the same time our argument collaterally
exhibits the limits within which the deductive method is applicable. For while we see that this extremely general question may be satisfactorily
dealt with deductively; the conclusion arrived at itself implies that the more special phenomena of organization cannot be so dealt with. </p>
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<p align="right" style="font: 15px;">There is yet another method of investigating the general truths of physiology—a method to which physiology already owes one luminous idea, but
which is not at present formally recognized as a method. We refer to the comparison of physiological phenomena with social phenomena. </p>
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<p align="right" style="font: 14px;">The analogy between individual organisms and the social organism, is one that has from early days occasionally forced itself on the attention of the
observant. And though modern science does not countenance those crude ideas of this analogy which have been from time to time expressed since the
Greeks flourished; yet it tends to show that there is an analogy, and a remarkable one. While it is becoming clear that there are not those special
parallelisms between the constituent parts of a man and those of a nation, which have been thought to exist; it is also becoming clear that the
general principles of development and structure displayed in organized bodies are displayed in societies also. The fundamental characteristic both
of societies and of living creatures, is, that they consist of mutually-dependent parts; and it would seem that this involves a community
of various other characteristics. Those who are acquainted with the broad facts of both physiology and sociology, are beginning to recognize this
correspondence not as a plausible fancy, but as a scientific truth. And we are strongly of opinion that it will by and by be seen to hold to an extent </p>
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<p align="left">which few at present suspect. Meanwhile, if any such correspondence exists, it is clear that physiology and sociology will more or less interpret each other. Each affords its
special facilities for inquiry. Relations of cause and effect clearly traceable in the social organism, may lead to the search for analogous ones
in the individual organism; and may so elucidate what might else be inexplicable. Laws of growth and function disclosed by the pure
physiologist, may occasionally give us the clue to certain social modifications otherwise difficult to understand. If they can do no more,
the two sciences can at least exchange suggestions and confirmations; and this will be no small aid. The conception of “the physiological division of
labour,” which political economy has already supplied to physiology, is one of no small value. And probably it has others to give. </p>
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<p align="center">In support of this opinion, we will now cite cases in which such aid is furnished. And in the first place, let us see whether the facts of social </p>
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<p>organization do not afford additional support to some of the doctrines set forth in the foregoing parts of this article. One of the propositions supported by evidence was that in animals the .</p>
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