Suggest “The Origins of Political Order” by Fukuyama & “Currency Wars”
for p2p’s New Years Reading List. Buchanan’s “Suicide of a Superpower” is full
of facts-but not ones that would please the majority of readers.
a
nice displacement <g>
On Sun, Dec 25, 2011 at 8:24 PM, Apostolis
Xekoukoulotakis
<xekoukou@gmail.com> wrote:
The end of history guy talks about the future of history.
2011/12/25 Michel Bauwens
<michel@p2pfoundation.net>
thanks, a very nice summary of the neoliberal agenda!
On Sun, Dec 25, 2011 at 6:44 AM, Peter Mazsa
<peter.mazsa@theunitedpersons.org> wrote:
FYI:
"[...] It has been several decades since
anyone on the left has been
able to articulate, first, a coherent
analysis of what happens to the
structure of advanced societies as they
undergo economic change and,
second, a realistic agenda that has any
hope of protecting a
middle-class society.
The main trends in
left-wing thought in the last two generations have
been, frankly,
disastrous as either conceptual frameworks or tools for
mobilization.
Marxism died many years ago, and the few old believers
still around are
ready for nursing homes. The academic left replaced
it with
postmodernism, multiculturalism, feminism, critical theory,
and a host
of other fragmented intellectual trends that are more
cultural than
economic in focus. Postmodernism begins with a denial of
the
possibility of any master narrative of history or society,
undercutting
its own authority as a voice for the majority of citizens
who feel
betrayed by their elites. Multiculturalism validates the
victimhood of
virtually every out-group. It is impossible to generate
a mass
progressive movement on the basis of such a motley coalition:
most of
the working- and lower-middle-class citizens victimized by the
system
are culturally conservative and would be embarrassed to be seen
in the
presence of allies like this.
Whatever the theoretical
justifications underlying the left’s agenda,
its biggest problem is a
lack of credibility. Over the past two
generations, the mainstream left
has followed a social democratic
program that centers on the state
provision of a variety of services,
such as pensions, health care, and
education. That model is now
exhausted: welfare states have become big,
bureaucratic, and
inflexible; they are often captured by the very
organizations that
administer them, through public-sector unions; and,
most important,
they are fiscally unsustainable given the aging of
populations
virtually everywhere in the developed world. Thus, when
existing
social democratic parties come to power, they no longer aspire
to be
more than custodians of a welfare state that was created decades
ago;
none has a new, exciting agenda around which to rally the
masses.
AN IDEOLOGY OF THE FUTURE
Imagine, for a moment, an
obscure scribbler today in a garret
somewhere trying to outline an
ideology of the future that could
provide a realistic path toward a
world with healthy middle-class
societies and robust democracies. What
would that ideology look like?
[...] the agenda it put forward to
protect middle-class life could not
simply rely on the existing
mechanisms of the welfare state. The
ideology would need to somehow
redesign the public sector, freeing it
from its dependence on existing
stakeholders and using new,
technology-empowered approaches to
delivering services. It would have
to argue forthrightly for more
redistribution and present a realistic
route to ending interest groups’
domination of politics. [...]"
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/136782/francis-fukuyama/the-future-of-history
P.
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Sincerely yours,
Apostolis Xekoukoulotakis
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