Peruvian Youth
Fight for their Future
Recent weeks have seen a
series of mass protests in Peru against the controversial new youth
labor law that has caused widespread public debate [1]. Although the
Peruvian government says it aims to provide training for unemployed
youth and to formalize the employment of those working in the informal
economy, the law cuts back legal benefits for young workers including
holidays and other benefits and entitlements.
What the protesters decide to do next will determine whether the
emerging youth movement consolidates and opens a wider debate about
the limits of neoliberalism in the nation or fizzles out after the law
is amended or repealed.
The third demonstration, on December 29, ended the first phase of a
surprising political development that has erupted onto the political
stage. It was surprising not only because of the massive participation
and widespread media coverage of the marches that took place around
the holidays [2], [3], but also because of the energy, creativity, and
irreverence of the movement. One sign of this was the destination of
the marches: One march led to the headquarters of the nation's
largest private business and industry chamber (CONFIEP), chosen
because that is where the real power behind the law resides. Also
unusual was the fact that protesters took over Lima's principal
thoroughfares, which usually are not shut down by street
protests.
Spontaneous outburst or historic moment?
Contrary to those who maintain that the protests are spontaneous
outbursts, the demonstrations are the result of the hard, ongoing work
of organizing-invisible to Peru's mainstream media and political
arena-and a unique political crossroads.
The origins lie in the tenacity of labor, student, and political
organizations, but also in the constant work of multiple youth groups,
neighborhood, human, rights, and cultural organizations such as the
Bloque Hip Hop.
They all came together in response to the law dubbed "La Ley
Pulpín" [a reference to a juice drink aimed at children; the term
now is used to refer to something exploitative], the stupidity of the
government in promoting the law in such an authoritarian way, and its
repression of the first march on Dec. 18. As a result, thousands took
to the streets, including young people who usually don't come out to
protest.
There are precedents to the latest demonstrations, including the
virtual and street protests of youth as part of the "No to Keiko"
campaign that led to the defeat of Keiko Fujimori in the 2011
presidential election runoff, the popular veto of the pre-determined
block of candidates to the Constitutional Court in July 2013 and
pension reform in 2014.
To some extent, youth have already demonstrated an ability to take to
the streets in opposition to the excesses of Peruvian politics.
Nevertheless, this time their strength and numbers surpassed previous
efforts. As Congresswoman Veronika Mendoza pointed out, this marks a
historic moment for the youth movement and for Peruvian
politics.
This is good news for democracy in a country where real opposition and
political change have to come from the streets since institutional
politics, with few exceptions, is filled with mediocrity and what
Steven Levitsky [political scientist at Harvard] calls the "Lima
consensus." That consensus implies the continuation of the same
orthodox neoliberalism, in which nothing matters except economic
growth, that has lost strength in the rest of the world, but remains
intact in Lima.
In the last decade opposition to the neoliberal consensus has mainly
come from communities and ethnic groups affected by extractivist
activities in the country's mountains and jungles without an urban
counterpart. While it is true that protests occur almost every day in
Lima, rarely do they manage to profoundly influence the country.
Probably the LGBTQ movement is the movement that has had the greatest
ability to break through the capital's neo-conservative hegemony in
recent years.
Tip of the Labor
Iceberg?
The historic importance of the latest demonstrations will depend on
the next steps. In all likelihood, the law will be repealed or
amended, constituting a major defeat for the government, but not
necessarily a victory for the emerging movement.
What is certain is that the reaction of the public to these protests
has been much more positive than it has been to any other protest
movement in recent years. The initial media campaign to minimize and
delegitimize the movement went nowhere. So it would seem that the
social contradictions caused by neoliberal policies have their
limits-even in Lima. For now, a (very) optimistic view reminds one of
Chile, where criticism of privatization of the educational system led
to the opening of a broader debate on neoliberal policies and their
consequences after the return to democracy.
But there are several challenges-and they are
substantial.
The "Ley Pulpín" is just the tip of an enormous iceberg of the
nation's neoliberal labor regime and extractivism, and opens the
possibility of politicization that goes beyond the concrete demand to
repeal the law. There are several options to broaden the agenda, as
has been suggested in internal discussions around the protests,
starting with the demand for a new general labor regime that
guarantees dignified jobs and redistribution of the nation's wealth,
and leading to a criticism of corruption and the real source of
excessive power (something already hinted at by the protests with
respect to the CONFIEP and the media), and repudiation of the
criminalization and repression of the protests. All of this might lead
to new agenda for Peru from the youth.
If this happens, it might provoke a broad political debate and even
influence the next election. It would be very important to include a
criticism of anti-environmental, anti-land reform and anti-labor
measures taken in the second half of last year, and the extractivism
of the current government. Except for the occasional sign reading
"Neither Conga, nor Chadin. Nor the Ley Pulpín" [4], there has
been very little mention of environmental and other measures. A
critique of other measures would not only broaden criticism of the
current economic model, but also lead to ties with other social
organizations and agendas in the country.
Political Innovation
A third and no less important element has to do with the ways of doing
politics. The marches widely outflanked the traditional political and
labor organizations-the ones with familiar slogans and chants-and
the capacity of those organizations to direct or channel their
efforts. Some see this broader movement as a threat that might impede
its politicization or "proper" orientation. Others, myself
included, instead see it as an opportunity for the renovation and
consolidation of a diverse, decentralized youth movement that takes
place in the university, the workplace, and the
neighborhood.
In this sense, at the heart of the emerging movement there is tension
and debate about representativeness and forms of organization. The
constitution of "zones" as territorial spaces that can organize
themselves as bases for protest is an important experiment and
learning process, which in some way resembles what has occurred with
the country's struggles over land or with other grassroots youth
movements such as "los indignados" in Spain or the "yo soy 132"
movement in Mexico. Another example of the internal dynamic involves
those in the feminist movements and movements for sexual diversity,
who have been questioning patriarchal discourse and
practices.
This is the kind of creativity that will be needed to imagine the
movement's next steps, which will seek not only to repeal the law
and broaden the protest agenda, but also to form an emerging movement
that will be a key actor in Peruvian politics. The ability to take to
the streets to veto the excesses of neoliberalism is evidence of an
already existing power. The classical centralization or
bureaucratization of this energy would likely be the first step to
demobilization.
But, at the same time, future challenges require a creative leap in
strategies of political organization and communication. Therefore, it
is crucial that there be communication among the different
organizations and organizational strategies (labor unions,
collectives, political parties, student organizations, and zones).
Equally important is the need to establish or strengthen ties with
protests movements in other Peruvian cities.
What is certain is that in
times like these when protest "opens up history", in the words of
Bolivian sociologist Luis Tapia, and another possible Peru can be seen
in the streets, something new is being born: new ways of organizing,
new political language, networks, and strategies that belong to the
current moment.
No doubt there is much to be done, and we are very far from the Peru
that we want, but the strength and energy of these protests leads one
to believe that something is moving within the "Lima
Consensus."
Rafael Hoetmer is
a historian, activist, and researcher associated with the Global
Democracy and Transformation Program (PDTG) in Lima. He is an analyst
for the CIP
Americas Program:
http://www.cipamericas.org/archives/14556.
Translation: Barbara Belejack
NOTES:
[1] For more information about the law, see: http://www.larepublica.pe/26-12-2014/regimen-laboral-juvenil-este-es-el-video-con-la-mejor-explicacion-sobre-la-ley-pulpin
[2] December 19, 22, and 29, with between 10, 000 and 25,000
protesters in each demonstration. For more information:
http://www.larepublica.pe/16-12-2014/jovenes-salen-a-la-calle-en-protesta-del-nuevo-regimen-laboral,http://www.larepublica.pe/22-12-2014/regimen-laboral-juvenil-segunda-marcha-contra-la-norma-se-realiza-esta-tarde, and
http://www.larepublica.pe/28-12-2014/ley-pulpin-jovenes-salen-a-las-calles-este-lunes-29d.
[3] Coverage was noted in Piura, Chiclayo, Trujillo, Iquitos,
Huancayo, Arequipa, Cusco, and Abancay, at least.
[4] This sign refers to a mining megaproject and a proposed
hydroelectric plant in Cajamarca that were paralyzed by mass protests
in recent years.